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(19 as Nkrumahists, this will not be the case ever again in history. Africans never have, never will - in my knowledge - dominate other peoples, come to conquer and dominate other peoples. But we damn sure will make sure no one will ever come to conquer, dominate or use us again. Nkrumahism, as I said, is an ideological synthesis of all these experiences, so as you know we have incorporated some of the experience of the Euro-Christian tradition. Part of that is also the assertion of industrialism and scientific socialism, etc. It emerged out of the Euro-Christian tradition, but it was made possible out of the exploitation of Africa. The industrial revolution would not have been possible in Europe without Africa's rape, exploitation and the scattering of our people; we know that. [scribble] So we are going to bring us back together and we are going to help, like I said turn the whole thing around, and have industrialism serve the masses of Africa people and the masses of working people

20 Who produce and should enjoy the fruits of their labour, whether they be in Britain, whether they be in America, whether they be in Ireland - the masses who produce should enjoy the fruits of their labour - and we know that Pan-Africanism will help to advance the world socialist revolution. Some of you may have heard Pan-Africanis put forth before as a reactionary nationalist position, and I have heard many people in the white left who [you know] react to i and I understand that reaction, because sometimes they have taken a nationalist position without a proper class position. We say that, as Africans, we have a nation/class struggle. We have a nation/clas struggle, and it must be fought with equal intensity all the time, and it must be respecte as such. This way we would not make an serious errors, and if you respect it you will not make any serious errors in dealin with the African revolution. It is a nation/clas struggle. This is one of the significant aspect of Nkrumahism and what he has brought to the world ideological and practical scene of revolution.

(21 We know that Pan-Africanism is only correctly defined as the total liberation, the total unification of Africa under scientific Socialism. Anything short of this and African people throughout the world will not have a homeland. African people throughout the world will not know liberation and, in fact, imperialis will have [its ugly head, how do you say,] its ugly life prolonged, if we do not achieve this. But once the achievement of Pan-Africani is significantly advanced, and once we achiev it, I guarantee you all of Europe, which was built on Africa's sweat, blood and resource and labour, all of America which was built on the same, will in fact advance toward socialist revolution ten times quicker than it ever has without that advancement. [We only, then -] In closing, the only thing that I really would like to say is in what I represented about Nkrumahism and about our Party - I know it has not been much, but I hope it will spark, I hope it will trigger you to think with a new level of

(22 respect and regard for African people, eve if we do not call ourselves African becau of centuries of brainwashing. I go around ar I say [you know,] to people all the time: we' African, we're African. Why, there are African who will not accept that we are Africans. And you understand why? [Because they have,] as we call it, been 'white-washed'! • You know, the mice truly have been white-was to the point that they have been taught to be ashamed of their own identity; and, unlike V many people who [not only] do not know their identity, we have been taught to hate it, thanks to Tarzan movies and things like that madness, you know. We have been • taught to hate whatever sense of national identity that we did have, or we have bee taught not to know. Well, we come to assert that, and we encourage you to study more about the idea of Osagyefo Kwame Nkrumah and our ideology of Nkrumahism and our Party woul be willing to come [at any time any place we are asked to come] and reason with you further about what we are trying to do, in the

(23 building of the A-A.P.R.P. We know, through our research, that African people (believe it or not) have been scattered in over 113 countries around the world, African people live in - and basically, in every one of those 113 countrie that we have been scattered in, our labour is used to the benefit of someone else, not for the benefit of Africa. • We come to correct that. If we find an African living in the mountains of Tibet, you can bet we are going to be mountain climbing! - Serious, if we find them, because we go out to find an African wherever they are and organise their energies, their intelle and their labour to come to serve the African revolution, and then we are going to build up • Africa so that, wherever they may be located if they want to return home, home is there. Home is there - and we will create the organisational and ideological and material conditions so that they can return. We only ask that you give us your support, as we will give you ours. And I thank you for your time!

Speed of Harpal Brar, 23/3/85 Comrade Chairman, Comrades and Friends, (1 On behalf of the Indian Workers' Asociation. first of all, I would like to thank the organisers of this Seminar for miting us to address such a gathering and be anointed with what you are involved in. Secondly, I would like to bring - on behalf of the Indian Workers' Asociation - our greetings to the Seminar and to the people represented here various organisations and the peoples that they represent. It may be a gathering of 40 or 50 or 30, or whatever the count is, but it is a very representative gathering, representing people from all over the world, not only Emore but from Asia, Africa and Latin America. So, comrades, on behalf of the Indian Workers' Asociation, I bring greetings to all of you. Comrades, as far as the question of Fuche is concerned, it has been discussed exhaustively and there are much better speakers on the subjuc than I could ever hope to be. They have masters the subject and they have talked a lot. Bur there are one or two things that I would like to say on it, because the idea of Fuche, becens the name Fuche might be Korean, and the name

(2 Juche might be particularly associated with the leadership of the Korean Workers' Party, but the idea of Juche is a very important idea. Without it, mankind simply just does not advance. And I would like to put it that the idea of Juche had long been solved by practice before it was raised in theory. And what the theorists have done, and what particularly the Korean Workers' Party have done is - they have raised it to a new height, whereby it has become a scientif principle. But mankind just simply does not advan without self-reliance. This is something that man learnt from very primitive times and we, within our own organisations - to whi really, I would like to confine myself - w have learnt that whenever we mouthed sloga for no other reason than that somebody else was doing it, we ended up in an extremely sorry state of affairs. And we had learnt - and the vicissitudes and the twists & and turns through which the inter- national Communist movement has passed in the last 25 years - has taught us not ever to give

(3 Credence to a slogan for no other reason than that it has come from some place that we regard extremely highly. We respect great Marxist theoreticians, we respect great leaders who have made revolutions, but we — in our organisation - while respecting them and while learning from their experience, always like to use our own critical faculties; as Matt has said: Marxism is not a dogma, it is only a guide to action. And with us it has always been a guide to action. And if I may bring a little Indian fable, because all peoples have similar stories. There was somebody who had learnt that when a piece of iron was very hot, then he learnt from some wise person that you tie a piece of string to it and you dip it in some deep water — whether it is the river or whether it is a well, it does not really matter and next time some lady in the household had a very high temperature, so he said: "Well, there's no point, really, calling the doctor", tied her to a piece of string and, of course, dipped her in the well. The results, of course, I need not point out to you what they were. Really, this is where simple logic leads you. You must apply dialectics and if you are to succeed anywhere, particularly in revolutionary struggle,

(4 which I think is about the most difficult of all struggles, man finds it easier to overpowe nature but it is much more difficult to fight against an exploitative system. And in the revolutionery stuggle you just cannot Simply advance by repeating formules and turning them (particularly) into clogmas. I come acron that kind of dogma all the time. There are people who make me sick, asking me to support the Labour Party, for no other reason than that in the carly 20s Lemn said You ought to support it, because that was the best way of doing it. Now, really, there is no way I can burg Lenin and stand him up and tell these people: "Look, I have changed my mind, because the ircumstances have changed." Now there is no way - but they have certainly turned it into a dogma. And I think we reall have to get rid of the dogmes. We are working in the conditions of Britain and we are working in extremely difficult Conditions. The working-class movement has been going through a stagnant period, and this stagnancy is giving way to movement, movement maybe imperceptible compared with Korea, compared with China,

(5 Compared with other places, compared with Vietnam. The movement may be imperceptible but the movement has begun; and it is significant that the miners have led that movement insofar as the mass working-class movement is concerned. And we find that in these complicated circumstances it is of the utmost importance that working people, with all their difference come together to recognise the common enemy and forge links with eachother. I think one of the things that we had to get rid of, which we really learnt early in the 60s, that the moment we slightly disagreed with someone we never looked at them again because we would not 'dirty' our hands shaking their hands again. The real struggle, the real difficulties of the movement teach you that you cannot do that. If you do not learn to speak to eachother, while maintaining your differences then you will only be benefitting the enemy; you will be picked one after the other. Do I approve of everything that the IRA does or the Provisionals do? Of course I do not. I would be a fool to say that I in advan