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(6 agree with everything they do. But, do I Support their anti-imperialist revolutionary struggle? Of course I do. If I did not do that I will not be able to stand up at any working-class gathering and call myself a proletarian, never mind a proletarian Socialist. In the Western countries the movement has suffered because in the past there was not the recognition of the right of self- determination of various peoples. There was not the support that needed to be given by socialists in imperialist countries to the national liberation struggles. And now I find that that guilt feeling is sometimes got rid o by giving support to spurious struggles, which do not constitute national liberation struggles. I find that - and I find it particularly objectionable, because I only want to refer t one issue which hurts me, which is very clos to me. There have been socialists in the moveme in this country who have supported the struggle of the Sikh fundamentalists in Punjab for a separa Sikh state. They are not the friends of the Indian people, they are not the friends of the Sikh people, they are not the friends of the English people.

(7 And their role is a fundamentalist — role, theirs is an obscurantist and reactionary role, and they have played that role in India by dividing Indian workers; and they have played into the hands of the Congress Party in India, and they have played exactly the same role here while the miners' Strike has gone on. These fundamentalist have not given a single penny or any support to the miners' struggle. • And I want to inform you — because it is a representative gathering — not to give credence to it. Do not go from one extreme of never supporting the national, genuine liberation struggles, to the other extreme of giving actually credence to spurious movements, which are not national movements, which are fundamentalist and obscurantist movements. • I am much able to say it with far greater authority because I happen to come from a Sikh family. It has got nothing whatever to do with being a Sikh or not. You only have to be a socialist to realise what they are up to. They are playing in the hands of US imperialism; and you must therefore judge every movement that arises and claims to be a national revolutionary movement. You must judge it by the principles of scientific socialism. Is it really

(8 a national movement? Do they really represen a nation? And is it the only way that they can achieve the aims of liberation, and that is by means of separatism etc.? These are some of the thoughts that we wish to put to you. We face in this country, for instance, racial discrimination. It may not be of the same order that blacks face in Sout. Africa, but it is pretty horrendous when you have to face, because conditions everywhere are different. But, notwithstanding the fact that we face this discrimination, there is not a single struggle of the working class in this coun where we as blacks have ever acted (dare i say?) as 'blacklegs'. We certainly have not, we have supported every struggle of the working people in this country and we have stood should to shoulder. And the miners, who had probably feeling of chauvinism, begin to realise, after the end of their 12-month strike, that among us they found — not people whom they had thought to be their opponents, who were taking their jobs — but a class brothers and class proletarians who were worth having by their side; and that prejudice

(9 knocked down during the miners' strike to us is worth thousands and thousands of seminars, because I do not think you can fight against prejudice and against racialism and fascism by having seminars alone — although they are very useful, and I am not decrying a seminar — but you do that in struggle. And we have fought against separation among our own people. It is a very natural reaction comrades, when you are discriminated against. Women say: "Men are the enemy; they are the ones who oppress us, not capitalism, men are the enemy." And blacks say: "Oh no, it is the whites. You know, they oppress us; I don't want to have anything to do with them" — because they find prejudice among working people as well. But we in the Indian Workers Association have fought against that kind of separation and have maintained our movement internationalist maintained our organisation with an inter- nationalist outlook and we enjoy the best fraternal relationships with other organisations. It is not our practice to go out of the way to attack various Marxist or progressive organisations in this country, unless we have been roused by provocations

(10 beyond endurance. Very occasionally we do mention them. Normally we leave them alone, and we say: you sort these out! We will suppo you, whatever good you are doing, and our practic has shown that that is the only way that you ca advance. So the idea of Juche has to be applie in the conditions of Britain, according to the problen that we are facing and in order to solve those proble Comrades, once again I thank you for allowing us this opportunity and - by way of expressing our solidan • with you - I will leave you with a copy of our newspaper which comes out once a month. I will leave a few copies at the back. If anybody wants to subscribe on a regular basis they should write to us, because this is really one of the very few ways in which we can maintain regular contacts with you. Our work demands a lot of people. We have very few people, and therefore we cannot always attend every seminar although we want to, or we cannot attend every meeting, although we want to, but it will keep you in touch with • us. I hope we will receive your literature and you will receive ours; and we will, even if we do not always see you every week, every month or every year, we will be working towards our revolutionary goal, in precisely the same way as in the ancient Latin proverb: "All roads led to Rome". Thank you so much!

0/L10 In replying to this letter, please write on the envelope: Number 274064 Name DONNELLY [F stamp] 15 MAR 1985 15-3-85 Her Majesty's Prison 5 Love Lane Wakefield West Yorkshire WF2 9AG all under the law, the masses conscious of their strength and proud of their contribution to human dignity. Again, look outside their borders - when the capitalist internationaly- controlled media ignore them you know theirs is a truly democratic and socialist state. Howard the day when the same media ignores the island of my birth - for then that too will be a bastion of freedom and human dignity, led by principled leaders of proven bravery and policed only by its own citizens, the army of the People. Then will we reach our hands across the world to our comrades in Korea, the Philippines and elsewhere in new bonds of friendship And respect, bonds strengthened by our defeat of the common enemy - international imperialism. To my African comrades, who still have a fight to be won, I say "do not despair". Others have won, I will win and you too will reap the rewards of consistency. You are never alone. In Solidarity Vince Donnelly Irish P.O.W. Dear Hugh, [Thanks for your letter and literature. I do not in any way consider my self a political intellectual so I would not be so arrogant as to address such a well- versed seminar on matters on which you would obviously be more conversant with than I.] I am a humble volunteer in a peoples army, and although that entails a minimum political education, I am in the main just what I said a volunteer. My function is to identify the enemy and then to set about destroying him. There are of course more than one ways of doing that, the physical force path being only a means to an end; its main function in my case to draw international attention to our political demands. In North Korea, prior to liberation, this would not have been sufficient, and so the war had to be fought with blood, guts and bullets. No. 243 30141 7-10-63 XMS

But what fascinates todays revolutionaries is that having achieved their republic they could still motivate a war-weary population to further defend it itself against U.S. imperialism. This required the population to be knowledgeable about their raison d'être for fighting, the enemy, and more important to understand their eventual sacrifices would not be capitalised on by a culturistic ruling elite - as in your typical Western "democracy". How many of Britain's lower classes in Liverpool, Manchester Newcastle etc ever benefitted from the wars which won an Empire, wars in which their kin gave their lives for God-knows what reasons? The proof of the pudding is in the eating, and there's plenty of tasty food in N. Korea today. No ruling elite lives in vast mansions (remember Tito?) with their offspring in secluded elitist private schools (remember Russia). The wealth is first created by the proletariat and then disposed of for the common good. A very easy way to identify the validity of a socialist state's claim to true partnership with the people is to look across her national borders and count the imperialist tanks or ships. N. Korea is surrounded on three sides by the massed weaponry of the U.S. // while her northern border could, (if China continues her present policies) become the front line again in battle against a resurgent imperialism. Only a united people can withstand attack against such odds, and who doubts that N. Korea has that ability - one of only two nations in modern times to lower the Yankee eagle. The question of leadership is all important, the workers and revolutionaries have too often been sold out in the past by compromising leaders only too keen to take the wheel and enjoy the luxuries previously accorded to the enemy. The cynicism of workers in western capitalist states is all too obvious, and understandable. Only firm and principled leadership can arouse the lethargic and depressed workers. Those who lead by example will have the masses in support. Fortunate indeed are the Koreans to have such leadership, in the form of Kim Il Sung, whose personal sacrifices and foresight inspired his race to their present freedoms. No Flunkeyism, no Dogmatism, justice equal for

Peter Berresford Ellis Peter Tremayne Peter MacAlan 'Lios na nAislingi' 30 Gresley Road, London N19 3JZ Tel. 01-263-0581 March 15, 1985 Hugh Stephens, Mosquito Press, 27a Old Gloucester Street, London WC1N 3XX. A Chara, Many thanks for your letter of March 10 and enclosure. I trust that the enclosed message is what you had in mind. Beir bua agus beannacht, [Signature] Peter Berresford Ellis

Message from Peter Berresford Ellis (author of A History of the Irish Working Class; ed. Penguin James Connolly: Selected Writings: The Liberty Tree; The Celtic Revolution & etc.) I wish success to your seminar and regret that prior speaking engagements prevent me from attending. Any consideration and discussion on the views of James Connolly with regard to the continuing anti-imperialist struggle can only be for the benefit of those seeking to grapple with the problem, especially the anti-imperial struggle within these islands. Connolly wrote: 'The internationalism of the future will be based upon the free federation of free peoples, and cannot be realised through the subjugation of the smaller by the larger political unit.' One of the great problems which the Celtic peoples face - not just the Irish but all the Celtic nations - is the lack of understanding of this fact displayed by the overwhelming majority of their English brothers and sisters who claim to be socialists and internationalists. National liberation movements are applauded as part of the anti-imperial struggle in other hemispheres but are condemned as backward, reactionary and even right-wing in these islands. Those who should know better seem incapable of rising above the centuries of anti-Celtic propaganda. The Celtic struggle is part of the anti-imperialist struggle. Celtic nationalists recognise that the way to sound internationalism lies through the recognition not the repudiation of the fact of nationality. As Comrade Kim Jong Il has said: Chajusong is not in conflict with internationalism but is the basis of its strengthening. Just as the world revolution is inconceivable without the revolution in one's own country, internationalism divorced from Chajusong cannot exist. As a matter of principle, internationalist solidarity must be based on freedom of choice and equality. Only when it is founded on Chajusong will internationalist solidarity become based on free choice and equality and become genuine and durable." The solidarity of the peoples of the world must rest upon a pact of national units associated in a common purpose and destiny. But there can be no progress while one nation seeks to dominate another nation. No nation can be regarded as an effective unit while artificially organised into XH rival classes with conflicting interests and aims. Similarly, no state can be regarded as non-imperialist and peace-loving while it seeks to dominate the nationalities within or without its state boundaries. As Connolly said: 'The freedom of a people must in the last analysis rest in the hands of that people'. That is true of all the peoples of the world - not just the Irish, within the Celtic ambit, but the Welsh, the Scots, the Bretons. - English socialists must not seek to inherit the imperial banners of Toryism but join their Celtic comrades in the struggle for a true socialism, true freedom and internationalism.

[ce. 750 words] (1 GUPS Sisters, brothers and comrades, I would like first to thank you for inviting me to address you on behalf of the General Union of Palestinian Students. The Palestinian students' movement in • Britain, represented by our union, GUPS, was established in the early 50s and Since then it has developed into a national students' movement and has branches all over the world, in every country of the world. GUPS [is there or] was created to • look after the interests of the students in this country as well as the interests of the Palestinian revolution. In [their] fighting for the interests of the Palestinian revolution they fight for the right to exist. And to us Palestinians Zionism is the immediate threat to our existence.