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6 As Mao Tsetung pointed out, in a statement on patriotism and internationalism, he asked the question: can a patriot be an internationalist? And he answered the question himself (...): not only can he be, but he must be (...) one. But, he says, there are different forms of patriotism: there is a patriotism of Hitler, which is chauvinism. But it is patriotism nonetheless, which is instilled into the people. There is the patriotism which Thatcher instils into people here in England over the question of the Falklands war. That is again fascist patriotism. But there is a genuine patriotism of those who are oppressed and who know they are oppressed, and that is, in actual fact, socialist patriotism. It is a love for your motherland, love for the fatherland. It is love for the people in your own country who are oppressed, it is love of liberation, and that is the thing that must drive us forward in this world. [Criticism of Maoists in 60s for using Asian leadership terminology - cult of the individual - no leader is without imperfections. ] John Maclean stood for self-reliance. James Connolly stood for self-reliance. Both of them realised that in their own practical experience. James Connolly came to the understanding in

(7 Ireland, because of the nature of the state there and the brutal oppression of the British forces in Ireland, that there was only one way in which the people in Ireland could liberate themselves and that was by armed struggle, and he formed the Citizens Army. And that is a lesson which I think is going to be learnt not far away in this country at all; it will be learned. And the people will learn it, because there is no other method we can overcome it. The state is armed to the teeth and therefore, unless we are prepared to meet the state by arms for arms - as Mao Tsetung again pointed out that we are not advocates of war, we don't desire it; we are not pacifists either. But we don't advocate war, but none- theless, if we are going to be battered down, then we'll take up arms and use them. The political power grows out of the barrel of a gun, and that is the lesson that has got to go home to the people in this country, and it has got to go home very sharply. I think I will leave it at that, comrades, except to say that we in Scotland have a long long history of trying to apply the Juche, and in our own concrete circumstances of applying the question of independence and self-reliance.

(8 We have relied, to some degree, on external factors for theory and everything else, for to get grasp and understanding of things. But, as I say, what we have got to do in the process of our own practical experience is to build up our own theoreticians in this country, people who are capable of combining Marxism-Leninism and applying it to concrete conditions. And then, and only at that point, can we say we have our own great leaders in this country, our own dear leaders, and when we get to that position we will start to move, because then we will be independent, totally independent at that point. [Reply to SCRP from Bands Alliance. ] Thank you, comrades.

SRSP 1 Thanks, codes, Ist I'd like to buy forth preclips for the S-R-S-P- & as a Nep. f. them, to the Kor. peo., to the gt leader K-1-5- & to the herove peo. in K. themselves. I am just going to speak shortly today on this because I have had no time to wake up a gt deal of tones. But what was Hugh hard asked me to speak on the Asian influence of Marxism came in Britain here when at that time & how it moved about. (...) Juche is a term in K. in actual fact sometimes it is a term which was used in another sense in China u. Mao Tse-tung. And I find it diff. today, in listening, to diff between what Mao says & what K-1-5- says, bec. both of them say exactly the same, as far as I am concerned. Somebody made some remark earlier on that there was some diffice here, th. Mao Tse-tung Thought had to be pushed forward to the Juche principle. (...) I think she was dealing with the pt here. The fact that there was mistakes made in China - tremendous mistakes were made - but mistakes were made in any revol'y not. There was no precedent f. the most in China & therefore, when China attempted the Juche principle of indepce & self-reliance she had done so bec. she was in the Soviet camp at that time & the S-U- in 1958 & 1960 (the Moscow declaration conference) declared th. all pties shd follow the line of peaceful co-existence. China declared that that was incorrect, that those pties (which) were struggling f. indepce had to use the armed road of struggle & cd not avoid a question of peaceful co-existence. on this line Bec. China pursued a line like that, & Albania stood beside them. China & Albania were cut off fr. the S-U- as far as help & assistance was given. So China bec. much more self-reliant & a Gt Leap Forward took place to try to push China forward very quickly. But China was not ready f. that so there was mistakes made in this. during Also in the period of the Cultural Revolution, China attempted to get peo. more self-reliant in fact, advocated that peo. shd "bombard the party HQ-", that during that time there was excesses & you will always find excesses in any revol. most. Lenin himself, in actual fact, had to move back a step when he moved forward after a couple of years from a socialist system in the S-U-. He, in actual fact, the New Econ. Policy, wh. is a form of capitalism. That did not mean Lenin a capitalist. It doesn't mean he had betrayed

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② The very most. It meant, in short, he had understood the actual conditions there were to a degree in the at that time. he had been prior to that. And he knew that he cd not move too fast & too far, so it is taking a step back. The pt. I felt was tremendous during the 50s & the 60s was that, in Asia, we found 3 tremendous peo. appearing at the same time. There was Mao Tse-tung, H-I-S- & Ho Chi M-, uniting all and the same period & all propogating revolty theory. This was interesting, at that time, bec. the communists & Marxists (...) everywhere in Britain, in particular (...), & probably through the whole of W. Europe, had gone to a purely econ. rds, to a purely econ. rds, till-ion & fight for better cond:s within a capitalist framework. • The question of revol. really hadn't come across. Mao, HIS & HCM forward looking. It was the 1st time the peo. in this ctry had heard what was happening in many ways, had of ideology. It was comm:s, who understood what was happening & all of a sudden (Marxism was what) peo. had grasped it. And peo. grasped it. But again, there was excesses took place then. And in thy (...) there. But the qu. for us propogating the qu. of Fuché in this ctry, we must apply it as we apply M-n-L-n to the concrete cond:s here & it shd't apply it mechanically. We must apply this mechanically, just by words & phrases. If we constantly just refer to the Fuché & to the gt leader H-I-S- to the gt leader & Mao. we lose the place. I recall in Dublin in 1963 or 64, they put up a big, big poster there across the walls at Trinity University & it led in it: "Chairman Mao is our gt leader." Now - to those who knew who Chairman Mao was, to those who had understood the philosophy & ideology he was propogating & the struggle he was fighting for revolution. That's perfectly permissible. But for the majority of peo. in Dublin who'd never heard of Mao Tsetung & least of all were inclined to think of him as their gt leader or the gt leader, the question was, it alienated a lot of peo. for the most. (in the 60s group) Again we walked about w. badges (I've got one yet from Mao Tsetung), but some went around to badges of Mao, large ones, wh. were plaques for walls, & carrying them on their chest. And this is again carrying it to extremes. So, again, they'd have got to be used on. & I don't want to use the word moderation, no moderation but that this correct perspective: that's how it applies, in which, is 100% behind the proposition of Fuché, bec. Fuché, in fact, the only way we are going to # to achieve soc'm & nat'l lib'n. We must become self-reliant. We must believe in ourselves. If we don't believe in ourselves, nobody else can ever believe in us. But I also believe in that we ourselves have got to put up our own leaders, & our own theoreticians, without total reliance upon external factors to guide. We ourselves cr. theory in our everyday practice. Correct ideas in Mao Ts. phd at, don't fall for the shib:s, the struggles we ourselves are involved in practice in the day-to-day practice. that we have seen the miners' strike recently in this ctry, we have developed ideas what the nature of the state is. Many peo. have waked up. this ctry to the role of the police force in this society, which apparently, as you that has been a neutral body, the meet behind the sandwich. But now the meet behind the sandwich in this ctry, bec. on either side they the sandwich. The miners happened to be (of men)

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were faced w. oppression. You the L-P- & the tru. movt, which have done everything possible to stop the miners paying their links w. the rest of the wly class in this ctry, bec. the L-P- realise that the basis of cap'm, which they function within, is the only way they can function. They are parasites upon society themselves. They have no desire to change society. And in the other side we have the police force, w. the whole state apparatus, to grind the workers down on that side. So it turned out that the miners & the wly class are the meat between the sandwich, not the police force, who play a very active role, a very conscious role. It is the old saying that was put forward in Germany: They only carried out orders. We were not conscious of what we were doing. It was a million of this no cones, camps & into ovens. There's no way that can be tolerated; no way can it be condoned. Those peo. who do such things in soc. are conscious of wh. they are doing & must pay the penalty for it. The lesson I see that we have learned fr. the econ. str. & the pol. str. that has been dev'd in Britain is the nature of the state. It is the first lesson. Lenin & Marx both pointed out in Mao Ts. & K-1-S- has been pointed out in their writings, that the state is a major thing in all this in soc. If we don't grasp the nature of the state we cannot wage a str. agst it, & so we don't know what we are dealing with. We are dealing w. some mythical thing unless we see it in the concrete circumstances. The state controls our livelihood in every way, it controls our health & the death; it controls our educ'n; it controls our ideology to the degree of press & everything else; it controls our work, our forms of labour. It controls everything. We are concerned w. justice, called law & order it is there for everything. We are concerned w. justice, called law & order it is there for the ruling class. So unless we grasp the nature of the state we cannot move forward in a revol'y movt. [In the 50s & 60s the role played here in western doc. was the Asian trad'n coming through here. It was a tremendous thing, to see students all over this ctry grasping it, as they had grasped Fidel Castro & Che Guevara, as a new type philosophy, the new men they were after. Precisely the new men they were after, bec. they were talking ab. themselves. We are capable of changing life. We are capable of changing society. That came forward very much so in the 50s & 60s.] Then we felt there was a period which took place within China & elsewhere, (Albania & other ctries) where there was a breaking down of the process. There was internal disputes, there was internal contradictions. The people who had grasped the idea here first had never really understood the nature of the contra- diction in China themselves. They had grasped mechanically what was brought across here. What they saw was something new so they grasped it, but they never really understood what they grasped at all. They thought that China wd go on for ever as she was going along, without any internal contradictions. That's an impossibility. There must always be internal contrad's. It's the very nature of society in all soc., of one dividing into two. And that's precisely what is taking place in China. If they moved too far in advance we've eventually going to have the results of that & have to take a step back. Somewhere along the line we are going to find results & the contrad. resulting from it. The question of the econom. & ideal. & polit. study was the basis of the dispute between the official comm. pties in the West. world & what was then being introduced in the 50s & 60s. You peo. were more inclined towards grasping ideol. factors, (a) bec. they had seen the econ. struggles in this ctry - it has been nothing other than maintaining the cap't system, (b) bec. the labour leaders are in actual fact, the The people who (3)

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(4) allow of. the dev'ment & growth of cap'm. Without the L-P-, what the Social democrats, we cd never have a cap't system functioning. No, we wd not have the revolution in the streets many, many yrs ago. In the 20s & the 30s we cd have a revol'n in this ctry but for the fact the soc. democrats who, as Stalin pointed out, were the baton lieutenants of capital. And that is precisely what they are. Whenever the w'kg class seeks of cap'm, & that is precisely what they are. Whenever the w'kg class seeks to change society the L.P- & the soc. democrats jump up & say: wait, don't rock the boat, leave it to us, we are the parliamentarians, we are the politicians, we'll fix it for you, vote us in. And yes. have done it for so many yrs, but today this generation that is growing up today, are denying that as a fact. They see themselves & the workers' disgust has shown quite clearly the ineffectiveness & the inability, & not only the inability but the uncaring attitude of the L-P- towards the str. of the w'kg class in this ctry. They have no desire to change it & have no desire to see the w'kg class change it. So we must go back to ourselves. We must dev'p such a leadership, that we must know that we form our own leadership, that we are capable of playing a p'lit'l role in this ctry, a strong, revol'ry w'kg class p'ty, wh. wd unite all the basic factors. This is another p't & it can be done. Ireland is a str. to play. And again, this is another p't That I wd like to p't out, th. we cannot, in actual fact, in situations in the Scott, originally impose the str'n of I. into Scot'land. We cannot transpose... The contrad:s in Scott. are a diff. level fr. what they are in I. That is not to say that we do not stand by the Irish in their [str. of arm] armed str. We support the armed str. in I. We must give absol. support to the armed str. in I. & if we didn't do that we wd be betraying the fact. But what we are saying just now is th. the str. in Scotland & the level of Contrad. in Scott. is a diff. degree, & the p'lit. w'k to be done in Scot'land. We have many, many questions to be resolved in Scott. So again we must apply the same principle in a set of circumstances in Scotland as if it was being applied in Ireland. It's exactly the same principle. Bec. Marxism, after all, is not what it is, it's how we apply it, it's not what it is, its how it's applied. And this is its methodology. So that, I intend to go into the qu. of nationalism & some conclusions. what is the theory of Marxism is about, its methodology. So that, I intend to go into the qu. of nationalism & some conclusions. Often, often peo. say, & partic. peo. here in G-B- or England. My speech about the nationalists is the republicans as being N.I.-6. nationalists. We are dividing the nationalists is about. rubbish & it has been up the p'lit. w'kg. class element in Britain - (that is pointed out many, many yrs ago by all the more Marxist (we've even had (---) that nat'l'n & int'l'n are interdept. upon one another; that nat. str. is a component p't of the class str. in an oppressed ctry & must be considered as such. There can be no division betw. one & the other. As Mao Ts. p'ted out, in a statement on patriotism & int'l'n, he sd. he asked the question: can a patriot be an int'l'ist? & he answers the question himself & he says: not only can he be, but he must be. He must be one. But there are diff. forms of patriotism: there is a patriotism of Hitler, wh. is chauvinism; but it's patriotism nonetheless, which is instilled into the peo. There is the patriotism wh. Thatcher instills into peo. here in Engl. over the qu. of the Falklands war. That is again fascist patriotism. But there is a genuine patriotism of those who are oppressed & who know they're oppressed & that is, in fact, socialist patriotism. It is a love for the fatherland, love for the fatherland.