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30 man and as Comrade Kim Jong Il has said it is "his life and soul". Yet it is not an innate quality of man, it arises from his social life. Man is a social being and he develops his Chajusong precisely through his relationship to society and the world. Chajusong is the quality the party, the state and the people should have. On the basis of the fact that man, an indepen- dent social being, is the master of the world, the Juche idea showed the truth that the popular masses should carry out the revolution and construction inde- pendently and creatively. This philosophical basis was, as pre- viously explained, derived from the re- alities of the Korean revolution. In the early years of the 20th century the Korean nation stood at the crossroads of life or death. This ancient country had not only been colonized by Japan, but was faced by a sustained attempt to obliterate its independent national existence. Sur- rounded by big powers even patriotic- minded people tried to see a way out only by appealing to a "friendly" foreign power. It was in the course of finding a way out of this dilemma that Comrade Kim Il Sung created the Juche idea and made clear that the Korean revolution should be carried out by the Korean peo- ple, its masters, independently and crea- tively. The Juche idea thus arose from and was shaped by the national reality of Korea. Yet, especially in recent years, it has not only drawn a great deal of inter- national attention but has increasingly been accepted by people around the world, both as a new discovery in the philosophical development of mankind and as a practical guide in their own struggle for liberation. So far this has particularly been the case in the countries of Asia, Africa and Latin America. This is because these countries share a deep historical affinity with Korea and their present situations also have much in common. A new and exciting fact is that the Juche idea is now beginning to be seri- ously studied and accepted by a still small but growing number of people in Europe. It is increasingly being realized that, as the Juche idea shows the very essence of man and the correct path of hewing out his destiny independently and creatively, it can also be applied in Europe, although in most respects the concrete situation in Europe is so dif- ferent from that of Korea. The Juch idea thus combines the particular-its origin in the national reality of Korea- with the general nature, its global signifi- cance and applicability. It provides a striking confirmation of the point made by Engels, namely, that everything truly national is also international. It is not possible in the space of a short article to give a comprehensive ex- position of the areas in which the Juche idea can be applied to European condi- tions. What I propose to do is to briefly indicate certain sections of European so- ciety which are already looking to the Juche idea, as well as some of those whose struggles objectively tend in the direction of the Juche idea and will in- evitably come to uphold it in the future. Progressive intellectuals see in the Juche idea answers to problems that have hitherto proved elusive by reference to European philosophical systems. The youth, too, are open to new ideas that give a way out of the aliena- tion of capitalist society. The broad and massive peace move- ment tends in the direction of independ- ence, particularly from the United States. Within Europe there are also peoples whose conditions more closely resemble those of the oppressed peoples of the

Juche Idea and Western Europe 31 third world-colonized peoples who are fighting for their national rights. First and foremost in this category are the Irish people. Also broadly within this category are the national minority communities, whose original homelands are in the oppressed nations. Now, the citizens of neutral and non- aligned countries see in their state polic- ies a reflection of certain aspects of the Juche idea. For the progressive intellectuals of Western Europe the Juche idea holds at- tion as a philosophy that provides ty on the nature of man. Specifical- ly, as it is a man-centred philosophy the Juche idea has the potential of answering certain problems of late capitalist society that have eluded a European left that has tended to emphasize a purely economic interpretation of history and society. On the basis of its exposition of the con- cept of Chajusong, the Juche idea makes clear that it is the nature of man to strive for more than simply freedom from eco- nomic want. Thus material abundance alone cannot solve the problems facing man. Indeed it can even create fresh pro- blems. One obvious example is the chro- nic pollution in developed countries and the environmental and ecological consci- ousness that has developed in response to it. Another example is that in some economically prosperous countries there is a prevalence of degrading orography. The Juche idea can provide a way out of these problems, which those ideas based on economism and crude materialism transparently cannot. The dramatic growth of the peace movement has been one of the most not- able aspects of the European political scene in recent years. This is hardly sur- prising because Europe is one of the international arenas where the danger of war is most pronounced. As such a war would most probably be a thermonu- clear one the future of Europe and in- deed of the humanity depends on the peace forces acquiring sufficient strength to prevail over the forces of aggression and war. Therefore, the peace movement poses as a very urgent problem in solving the problem of the destiny of mankind at present. The Juche idea gives it the correct ideological focus of being an anti- imperialist, independent movement which firstly aims to extricate Europe from the war plans of the United States LONG LIVE THE IMMOR THI JUCHE ID A scene from a Seminar on the Juche Idea held in London (March 1985)

32 and, secondly, to enable the European countries to establish more relations with the countries of the third world. The main tendency of the European peace movement is to oppose United States' domination of Western Europe. President Kim Il Sung's international strategy of concentrating the target of attack on U.S. imperialism and forming a united front to this end fully accords with the direction of this movement. Hence the primary campaigning focus in recent years has been the struggle to op- pose the imposition of U.S. cruise mis- siles in Europe. In some countries this struggle was successful. In others it failed to achieve its objective. Yet even in those cases the strength of the move- ment was displayed. For example, in Britain, although the government was determined to deploy the US missiles the campaign of opposition was so massive and militant that they were prevented from doing so for over two years. Still today, the bases where they have been installed are surrounded by peace cam- paigners who have effectively confined the missiles to their bases. All this has given renewed confidence to the move- ment. Vast areas of Asia, Africa and Latin America have already stood up to the United States and rejected its domina- tion. If Western Europe, too, refuse to follow the US baton the US capacity for aggression and war will be gravely limit- ed. The peoples of Europe want to assert their independence, as can be seen in the anger that greeted the recent revolution in the "New Statesman" magazine of the almost limitless powers that U.S. troops would enjoy in Britain in the event of war or international crisis. Because there is such a concentration of developed capitalist countries in Western Europe its independence can be said to be of parti- cular importance. Because of its tendency to independ- ence the peace movement can also play a role in eliminating the imperialist rela- tions between Western Europe and the third world. An example of this is that the women peace campaigners of Green- ham Common who spearheaded the struggle to prevent the deployment of cruise missiles in Britain have taken the initiative to found the campaign for a Nuclear-Free and Independent Pacific. Although Ireland and Korea are sepa- rated by thousands of miles the striking similarities between the two countries make the Juche idea particularly ap- plicable to the Irish people's struggle. All these facts clearly show the full applicability of the Juche idea to the concrete conditions of Europe. I hope, however, that it has managed to sketch some of the elements of European socie- ty who are taking up the Juche idea or who are already objectively marching in step with it. One thing, however, is clear. The Juche idea has much to offer the Euro- pean peoples and so its popularity will inevitably increase. The Juche idea has a bright future in Europe as an ideology that can help free Europe from the hege- mony of the United States and help free the peoples of Europe from national op- pression, class exploitation and social fetters.

Page 4 Features 14 August 1998 THE NEW WORKER Malaya: British imperialism and the lessons of communist resistance 1998 marks the 50th anniversary of the so-called 'Malayan Emergency'. Actually, it was a brutal colonial war waged by British imperialism against a risen people, led by the Communist Party of Malaya. For long shrouded in mystery and disinformation, this struggle has been increasingly forgotten in this country. But it remains rich divide-and-rule, just as was and is the case in Ireland. By the 1930s, there were as many Chinese as Malays in Malaya. It was also in that decade that the Communist Party of Malaya began to build its mass base and following, through its cham- pioning of both national independence and improved conditions for the work- ing people. The Party was banned by the British imperialists, but these two forces were to be brought together in an uneasy alliance in the context of the interna- tional anti-fascist united front of the Second World War. In keeping with both the general line of the world communist movement, and the concrete conditions in Malaya parallel, secret army, to which their best arms were diverted, rather than being put to immediate use. The stated aim was that these weapons were to be used to seize control of as much terri- tory as possible in the event of the Japanese collapse. Chin Peng recalls that this was read- ily accepted in the party ranks at the time as a "clever policy". And, indeed, it is fully logically consistent with Marxist-Leninist dual tactics and with the essential point made by Marx and Engels in the Manifesto of the Commu- nist Party, that the communists are distinguished from other parties in the working class movement by two points alone: That while participating in all the day-to-day struggles, they also take The Straits Tim NOW IT'S $250,000 FOR PUF ENEMY No. 1 if brought in alive GEN. TE MAKES CLERKS Water situation in the capital 'desperate'

Malaya: British imperialism and the lessons of communist resistance 1998 marks the 50th anniversary of the so-called 'Malayan Emergency'. Actually, it was a brutal colonial war waged by British imperialism against a risen people, led by the Communist Party of Malaya. For long shrouded in mystery and disinformation, this struggle has been increasingly forgotten in this country. But it remains rich in lessons for all fighters against imperialism. With the help of a recent path- breaking BBC documentary, KEITH BENNETT takes a look at some of those divide-and-rule, just as was and is the parallel, secret army, to which their case in Ireland. By the 1930s, there were as many Chinese as Malays in Malaya. It was also in that decade that the Communist Party of Malaya began to build its mass base and following, through its cham- pioning of both national independence and improved conditions for the work- ing people. The Party was banned by the British imperialists, but these two forces were to be brought together in an uneasy alliance in the context of the interna- tional anti-fascist united front of the Second World War. In keeping with both the general line of the world communist movement, and the concrete conditions in Malaya at that time, armed forces under the leadership of the CPM joined together with the British to resist the Japanese occupation, in spite of the fact that the Party was committed to independence and a people's democratic revolution. The British, on the other hand, were aiming to restore their lost positions. As Comrade Chin Peng puts it, al- though it was not openly spoken best arms were diverted, rather than being put to immediate use. The stated aim was that these weapons were to be used to seize control of as much terri- tory as possible in the event of the Japanese collapse. Chin Peng recalls that this was read- ily accepted in the party ranks at the time as a "clever policy". And, indeed, it is fully logically consistent with Marxist-Leninist dual tactics and with the essential point made by Marx and Engels in the Manifesto of the Commu- nist Party, that the communists are distinguished from other parties in the working class movement by two points alone: That while participating in all the day-to-day struggles, they also take account and care of the long-term in- terests of the proletariat, and also that they base their positions on the inter- ests of the proletariat as an interna- tional class, independent of all nation- ality. The Straits Tin NOW IT'S $250,000 FOR PU ENEMY No. 1 if brought in alive BATTLE 10 Water situation in the capital serate • Communist leader Chin Peng with the issue of the paper which raised the price on his head to $250,000. weapons not used to fight the Japanese, when the time came to go on the offen- But whether there was more to this in sive in that period of interregnum that, the specific case of Malaya is a moot as in both Korea and Vietnam, was to point one centring on the role of a prove so crucial, Lai Tek instead or- GEN. T MAKE CLERK parties whilst still only in his early 20s. But, by then, the golden moment of opportunity had passed and the party was faced with an uphill struggle. Moreover, despite the hopes and illu-

against imperialism. vwith the win me plus twi help of a recent path- breaking BBC documentary, KEITH BENNETT takes a look at some of those lessons. It is not often that a veteran and unrepentant revolutionary leader, one who has devoted his entire life to the communist movement, is af- forded an opportunity to introduce his struggle and experiences on prime-time BBC television. And when that leader is giving his first television interview, concerning events that occurred fifty and more years ago, it is an exceptional event indeed. On Friday 19 June, BBC2 screened, 'Malaya: The Undeclared War', in which Comrade Chin Peng, General Secretary of the Communist Party of Malaya (CPM), gives his first public account of the events that led up to Britain's bloodiest colonial war of the post-1945 period and of that war itself. The materials presented in that su- perb programme not only shed new light on the importance of Malaya to British imperialism, but also provide important lessons regarding revolution- ary strategy and tactics, as well as those pursued by imperialists, that will be of great vai e to present-day national liberation and revolutionary struggles. Malaya was one of the most impor tant British colonies for both strategic and economic reasons. In particular, its rubber and tin resources were crucial to keeping the wheels of empire turning and were a source of vast superprofits. To further tap these vast resources, Britain imported large numbers of In- dian and Chinese labourers from the nineteenth century onwards. Such forms of indentured labour were prac- tised in many parts of the British Em- pire -- in Guyana, Trinidad and Fiji; in eastern and southern Africa. And eve- rywhere, aside from more formal eco- nomic considerations, the British used the new demographic realities to create and perpetuate their unique system of occupation, in spite of the fact that the Party was committed to independence and a people's democratic revolution. The British, on the other hand, were aiming to restore their lost positions. As Comrade Chin Peng puts it, al- though it was not openly spoken about by the party cadres, in their hearts they knew that, at some time in the future, they would have to fight the British. Taking account of this dual reality, the communist-led armed forces col- laborated with the British and were recipients of major arms supplies from this source. Comrade Chin Peng him- self was awarded both the Burma Star and the OBE shortly after the war's end: presumably the only communist party general secretary ever to be so 'honoured'! But while collaborating in a united front, the communists also created a ests of the proletariat as an interna- tional class, independent of all nation- ality. But whether there was more to this in the specific case of Malaya is a moot point -- one centring on the role of a certain Lai Tek, Comrade Chin Peng's predecessor as general secretary of the party. While many of the relevant docu- ments are still classified by both the British and other authorities concerned, 'Malaya: the Undeclared War' pro- duces what seems irrefutable evidence that Lai Tek had been turned as a British agent before the Japanese occu- pation, that he then collaborated with the Japanese during their occupation, and that he subsequently returned to his old master following the end of the Second World War. So, not only were the best British weapons not used to fight the Japanese, when the time came to go on the offen- sive in that period of interregnum that, as in both Korea and Vietnam, was to prove so crucial, Lai Tek instead or- dered that there be no seizure of the towns, that the people's army be dis- solved, its weapons dumped, and full co-operation should be extended to the British as they re-established their im- perial domain. In that timeworn phrase of such peo- ple, Lai Tek told the party that the "time was not right" to go on the offen- sive. In fateful retrospect, it can be seen that there was never to be a better time. In 1947, Comrade Chin Peng was instrumental in exposing Lai Tek's treachery and thus found himself pro- pelled into the top leadership of one of the world's most important communist parues whilst still only in his early 20s. But, by then, the golden moment of opportunity had passed and the party was faced with an uphill struggle. Moreover, despite the hopes and illu- sions occasioned by the election of Britain's post-war Labour government, the renewed economic importance of Malaya to British imperialism was such that it would fight to the death to pre- vent real national independence. As part of the people's democratic revolution, the CPM wanted the Ma- layan people, of all nationalities, to be able to enjoy the same kinds of rights and benefits, for example a National Health Service, that the Labour gov- ernment was legislating for in Britain. But it was Foreign Secretary Ernest Bevin who bluntly said that he was not putting himself forward for election so as to preside over the dismantling of the British Empire, as this would have an unacceptable impact on the standard of living of his constituents. And by 1947, Malaya was earning twice the amount of US dollars than the THAILAND Penang Kuala Sumatra N British troops embarking for Malaya soon after the Second World War had ended.

4 August 1998 THE NEW WORKER Page 5 Features est of the empire put together. But vages were lower in real terms than hey had been, even in the hard days of he 1930s. As the largest and best-organised olitical force in Malaya at that time, he CPM concentrated on building up he trade unions, particularly among he plantation workers. In so doing, the arty, under Chin Peng's leadership, ursued exemplary Marxist-Leninist actics that both paid attention to the mmediate needs and demands of the vorking people, while leading them orward and preparing for the next stage of struggle. As parties such as the Communist Party of India (Marxist-Leninist) expe- ience today, in conditions of such bitter oppression, even the most mun- lane or routine struggle, if it is seri- ously pursued, actually serves to place on the agenda the higher stage of armed struggle and, ultimately, the question of state power itself. It is in this context that Comrade Chin Peng can talk about the killing of cabs being welcomed and encouraged by the mass of workers. These are sentiments not generally found or ap- preciated in the day-to-day class strug- gle of contemporary Britain. But they will be quite familiar to those who have followed debates and sentiments in na- tionalist working class areas of the north of Ireland, on such subjects as so- called 'punishment beatings'. The CPM's move towards renewed armed struggle coincided with a rise in communist struggle in Asia, from India to Korea and the Philippines, and above all the spectacular advances of the Peo- ple's Liberation Army that were to culminate in the founding of the Peo- ple's Republic of China on 1 October 1949. But imperialist propaganda, which still seeks to portray parties like the CPM as somehow dancing like mari- nettes on strings at the behest of Mos- cow or some other international ma- nipulator, is totally wide of the mark. The base and necessity for the CPM's struggle lay in national realities, above all that of British colonial rule, with its the British and their lackeys have never been slow to exploit. Indeed, they have done everything they possibly can to keep it alive and inflamed. Faced with a renewed people's war, the communists based themselves above all on the poorest sections of the peo- ple, the half million "squatters" living in reclaimed and marginal jungle areas without land ownership rights. The British resorted to burning their villages, trying to drain the sea in which the guerrilla fighters could swim, to paraphrase Chairman Mao's famous expression. And later, with fascist-like brutality and thoroughness, the British herded the people of the squatter camps into so-called "protected villages", a coun- ter-insurgency tactic later used by the Americans in Vietnam and by the Brit- ish in both Kenya and Oman. Besides this, more than 40,000 people, deemed "stateless", were deported to China, a country their families may have left more than a century previously. But the policy of burning villages led to a surge of recruits to the people's army. The programme interviewed Siti Merian Idris, a Malay woman guerrilla of the 10th Regiment. When her vil- lage was burned, she left behind her nine month old baby, who she was still breast-feeding, so as to join the strug- gle, just as Mao and many other Chi- nese revolutionaries had left their small children with local peasants in the early stages of the Long March. Even in the so-called "new villages", resistance continued, drawing on the immense depths of wisdom and cour- age to be found among working people who have risen in struggle. Chen Chiu Zhu, a resettled woman villager, describes how tunnels were built to smuggle food out to the guerril- las. The British built first one fence, then three, then five. Then, the fences were electrified. But women like Chen, her family and comrades, were so de- termined to get supplies to the Commu- nist Party that: "We carried out the food in bags of manure. The food was hidden underneath the manure." Many readers will recall an obvious comparison with the equally chilling In the view of this writer, the achieve- ments of the CPM must also include, at least to some degree, and alongside other factors, most especially the in- creasing regional and international role of People's China, the transformation of Kuala Lumpur's UMNO-led gov- ernment from that of a servile neo- colonial stooge to a relatively inde- pendent and assertive advocate, not only of the class interests of the anti- imperialist national bourgeoisie in its own country, but also of the wider interests of the Third World countries and of South-South co-operation in economics and politics. The CPM's subsequent struggle, fol- lowing Malaya's formal independence in 1957, lies outside the scope of the BBC programme. Still relatively little known to the outside world, much of this story must await the publication of the memoirs which Chin Peng is cur- rently preparing. But during the 32 years of continued armed struggle, the CPM tried in nu- merous ways to overcome the legacy of divide-and-rule and reach out to wider sections of society. In later years, the party's radio station changed its name from the Voice of the Malayan Revolu- tion to the Voice of Malayan Democ- racy. And the demand for the immediate establishment of a People's Republic was modified to accept a constitutional monarchy, perhaps mindful of the role played by King Norodom Sihanouk in Cambodia, and especially in view of the continued attachment of the major- ity of people of Malay nationality to their traditional rulers. Through their people's war, the CPM not only inspired new generations of people at home. In the 1960s and 1970s, together with the other communist par- ties of south-east Asia, it stood together with the Communist Party of China in the international communist move- ment's struggle against modern revi- sionism. Despite almost unimaginable diffi- culties, this party, and its leadership, headed by Comrade Chin Peng, has never disgraced or dishonoured itself or the cause it serves.

economic super exploitation, political suppression, and its divide-and-rule policies that, in the Malayan case, verged on apartheid. As one central committee member of the Party says quite simply in the programme: "If we had not called for independence, we would have lost popular support." Chin Peng knew that he had to pre- pare for armed struggle, but following the shooting of a group of colonial planters, the British initiated full-scale repression some three months earlier than the party had calculated. As ever, the British made full use of divide-and-rule. In massive raids, around 1,000 people of Malay nation- ality were quickly detained so as to staunch the prospect for mass united struggle across nationality lines. Al- though many Malays did join the strug- gle, and are represented in the central committee of the Party up to this day. Chin Peng readily admits that the Party's biggest mistake was its failure to fully understand the nature of Ma- layan society as a multi-racial, multi- cultural one in a relatively small coun- try. And this shortcoming is one that BODIA VIETNAM Federation of Malaysia SOUTH CHINA SEA Kota Kinabalu BRUNEI SARAWAK YA Kuching APORE NES but inspiring methods of resistance and organisation deployed during the long prison struggles in the H-Blocks of Long Kesh and elsewhere in the north of Ireland. So afraid were the British ruling class and officer elite of the courageous Malayan communists that General Sir Walter Walker forbade his troops from washing, changing their clothes, using brylcream, brushing their teeth, smok- ing, or eating sweets. "The guerrillas were like animals. They could smell you," this old impe- rialist scoundrel recalls. Stripped of its obnoxious class and racial arrogance, what this self-condemnation reveals is that the Malayan people were fighting for their own country while the British were an alien and unwanted force in every sense of the words. Again, as with the Irish national lib- eration struggle, British colonialism relied heavily on a strategy of criminalisation. A former Malayan Special Branch officer recalls that it was "terribly important" that captured guerrillas not be accorded Prisoner of War (PoW) status, but be treated as Palawan PHILIPPINES SULU SEA SABAH miles 300 Borneo IA 0 km 300 • British troops in the Malayan jungle. "terrorists" and "common criminals". This was not only important for propa- ganda purposes and psychological war- fare but it gave the green light to the British imperialists to perpetuate the most appalling war crimes on the grounds that, as there was no war situ- ation, such principles of international law as the Geneva Conventions and the newly-established Nuremberg Princi- ples were not applicable. So Royal Marine Commandos and others were given free rein to sever the heads and hands of captured patriots - and to smugly pose for photos with their trophies. When these criminal actions were exposed by the Daily Worker, it met with the usual response of immediate angry, not to say hysteri- cal, denial, followed by eventual ad- mission, amidst a welter of specious excuses. Despite their heroic struggle, Brit- ain's combined strategy of divide-and- rule and "draining the sea" through the establishment of protected villages cum concentration camps succeeded in weakening the communist forces. Al- though their key jungle bases were impregnable, the periphery, on which the fighters depended for such essen- tial supplies as food, medicine and money, were susceptible to both re- pression and infiltration. Perceiving this advantage, the Brit- ish moved on to the next phase of their strategy, that of instituting a neo-colo- nial system. Their favoured junior partner was the United Malay's Na- tional Organisation (UMNO), which is still today the dominant partner in Ma- laysia's ruling National Front coali- tion. In order to thwart the British strat- egy, relieve the people's sufferings, and adapt to the next phase of struggle, Chin Peng proposed peace talks, which were held with himself and UMNO leader Tunku Abdul Rahman as the principal interlocutors. But the Tunku and his British mas- ters demanded that the communist forces surrender, in much the same way as John Major unsuccessfully attempted to humiliate the Republican movement through his arbitrary erection of the decommissioning hurdle in the Irish peace process. Comrade Chin Peng's response to the demand for surrender was unequivo- cal: "In that case, we will fight to the end." And so he and his forces did, right up until 1989, when an honourable peace agreement was signed, enabling the veterans of this epic struggle to live settled lives in their own base area villages. The struggle led by Chin Peng did not lead to the establishment of a peo- ple's democratic Malaya. But it was most definitely not in vain. As Central Committee member, Comrade Toh Kar Lim said: "The Communist Party of Malaya led the people of Malaya in the fight against the British. Without us, the independence of Malaya in 1957 would have been unimaginable, in fact impossible." Needless to say, colonial apologists attempt to refute this, but they are condemned out of their own mouths with such weasel words as "eventual independence" with "no time factor involved." Until the money stopped rolling in, perhaps? According to the TV programme: "Nowadays, the jungle warfare of the Emergency could not seem further away from the modern, hi-tech world of Kuala Lumpur." But as the Asian financial crisis rum- bles on, can we be so sure? In its 25 June edition, the Far Eastern Economic Review reported: "A sign carried by a young girl at one of the several protests in recent months provides the reason for the outbursts: '2020 without water?' -- a pointed ques- tion about whether Malaysia can attain Prime Minister Mahathir Mohamad's gung-ho dream of reaching developed status in the next 22 years if it can't even provide water for the capital. "Kadir Jasin, influential editor of the New Straits Times, recently wrote that he had just returned from Hanoi, which enjoyed an 'uninterrupted water sup- ply to enable a person to bathe as many times a day and for as long as he or she likes'." An apparently small point; but a tell- ing one. The spectre of the CPM may have propelled UMNO in the direction of a qualified anti-imperialism. But the Malaysian government has consistently remained anti-worker and anti-social- ist. Even the main opposition, Demo- cratic Action party, a mildly social democratic member party of the So- cialist International, remains a target of periodic repression. Whatever the precise form it will take, the historic struggle of the CPM veterans will certainly be carried for- ward by new generations. As they do, the lessons of the earlier aborted Malayan revolution will re- main a vivid textbook for people throughout the world. By bringing Chin Peng's own ac- count to our television screens, Rob Lemkin, who wrote, produced and di- rected 'Malaya: The Undeclared War', and who was also responsible for last year's equally acclaimed television expose of British complicity in the assassination of Burma's national democratic leader Aung San, has done a tremendous service. He deserves the deepest thanks and gratitude of parti- sans of the communist movement and of all anti-imperialists and democrats everywhere.

0216 BRIEF BIOGRAPHY OF COMRADE KIM JONG IL The great leader Comrade Kim Jong Il, General Secretary of the WPK, Supreme Commander of the KPA and Chairman of the National Defense Commission (NDC) of the DPR of Korea, was born in a secret camp on Mt. Paektu (Samjiyon county, Ryanggang province, Korea) on February 16, 1942, as a son of President Kim Il Sung and Comrade Kim Jong Suk, heroine of the anti-Japanese warfare and a great communist revolutionary. He started his primary school course in September, 1950 and finished his middle course in August, 1960, then continued in the Kim Il Sung University from September, 1960 to March, 1964. He became a member of the WPK on July 22, 1961. He turned out to be a secretary of the WPK Central Committee in September, 1973. At the Eighth Plenary Meeting of the Fifth Central Committee of the WPK held in February, 1974, he was elected member of the Political Committee of the Central Committee of the WPK as well as the heir to President Kim Il Sung. In February of the same year, he formulated President Kim Il Sung's revolutionary idea into an integral system of ideology, theory and method of Juche, that Kimilsungism. He saw to it that Juche Idea be swept the whole party in order to develop the WPK into Kim Il Sung's party. With the revolutionary slogan "Let us produce, study and live as the anti- Japanese Guerrillas did!" set ahead, he staunchly defended the revolutionary traditions of Juche established by President Kim Il Sung amid the flames of the anti-Japanese war and successfully carried them forward, while developing in depth the three revolutions; ideological, technical and cultural. He called for the entire party and all the people to the fruitful implementations of the Six-Year Plan and of the Second and the Third Seven-Year Plan to develop the national economy, thus he made huge contributions to laying firm material and technical basis for socialism. He put forth that a policy be laid out to bring a rapid change in literature and art and as a matter of result, a golden age of Juche art followed by its heyday was ushered in. He was elected member of the Presidium of the Political Bureau, Secretary of the Central Committee of the WPK and member of the WPK Central Military Commission at the Sixth Congress of the WPK in October, 1980.

Since then, he pushed forward the modeling the whole society on the Juche Idea, and finally through this course, he completed laying of party foundations. He has written many volumes of valuable books, including On The Juche Idea, The Juche Philosophy Is An Original Revolutionary Philosophy and others, so as to enrich President Kim Il Sung's Juche Idea with new principles and contents and develop it comprehensively in depth. From February, 1982 and thereon, he has been deputy to the Seventh, Eighth and Ninth Supreme People's Assembly (SPA) of the Democratic People's Republic of Korea. General Secretary Kim Jong Il presented a policy to equip the whole army with the principles of Juche Idea, therefore the People's Army was turned into the army of Party and leader, the Juche-oriented invincible force. In May, 1990, he was elected First Vice Chairman of the National Defense Commission of the DPR of Korea followed by its chairmanship in April, 1993, Supreme Commander of the KPA in December, 1991 and awarded the title of Marshal of the DPR of Korea in April 1992. He is giving energetic and refined guidance to the Korean people's struggle to reunify the country on the principles of the three charters of national reunification as taught by President Kim Il Sung. With the publication of a historical work Let Us Carry Out The Great Leader Comrade Kim Il Sung's Instructions For National Reunification, he is dynamically encouraging the entire Korean people to the struggle for national reunification. Thanks to his sagacious leadership, the external relation of the DPRK is being developed in accordance with the ideals of the WPK's foreign policy - independence, peace and friendship - where he is storing enormous achievements to accomplishing the cause of global independence. Under present situation when socialism suffered destruction in some countries while the imperialists and reactionaries continue anti-socialism and anti-DPRK campaigns he is firmly defending socialism and shedding light on it in strict adherence to the revolutionary position and principles. He has written more books like The Historical Lesson in Building Socialism And General Line Of Our Party, On The Fundamentals Of Revolutionary Party Building, Abuses Of Socialism Are Intolerable, Socialism Is A Science and On Preserving The Juche Character And National Character Of Revolution And Construction, thus made a great contribution to global independence and the world peace. He has been awarded the Title of Hero of the DPRK twice, the Kim Il Sung Order three times and many other orders and medals of home and abroad, titles of honorary professor, doctorate and academic of foreign countries along with honorary chairmanship and citizenship for his contribution to the Korean and world revolution. After the death of President Kim Il Sung in July, 1994, he saw to it that Kumsusan Assembly Hall where President had worked in, turned into the sacred temple