(2 of Western Europe, had gone along purely economic roads, trade unionism and [the] fight for better conditions within a capitalist framework. The questions of revolution really hadn't come across. Mao, Kim Il Sung and Ho Chi Minh put forward ideology. It was the first time that people in this country had heard what was ideology for many, many years since Marx had died and all of a sudden communists started to understand what Marxism was and • What ideology was, and so people grasped it, and in particular the young people grasped it. [Excesses. Juche not to be applied mechanically, as Maoism was in the 60s.] I am 100% behind the proposition of Juche, because Juche, in actual fact, is the only way • in which we are going to achieve socialism and national liberation. We must become self-reliant, we must believe in ourselves. If we don't believe in ourselves, nobody else can ever believe in us. What I also believe is that we ourselves have got to put up our own philosophers, our own leaders and our own theoreticians, without total reliance upon external factors to guide. We ourselves create theory in our everyday practice. Correct ideas, as Mao Tsetung pointed out, don't fall from the skies. They arise from practice. We ourself, we are involved in practice
(3 in the day-to-day struggles, whether it be in work or, as we see through the miners' struggles recently in this country, we have developed further ideas as to what the nature of the state is. Many people have wakened up over the past few months in this country to the role of the police force in this society, which apparently, as put forward by Kinnock and that, has been a neutral body, the meat between the sandwich. But they are not the meat between the sandwich. The miners happen to be the meat between the sandwich in this country, because on either side of them they were faced with oppression. You get oppression of the Labour Party, the betrayals of the Labour Party and the trade union movement, which have done everything possible to stop the miners forging great links with the rest of the working class in this country, because the Labour Party realise that the basis of capitalism, which they function within, is the only way they can function. They are parasites upon society them- selves. They have no desire to change society. And on the other side we have the police force, with the whole state apparatus, to grind the workers down on that side. So it turned out that the miners and the working class are the meat between the sandwich, not the police force, who play a very active role, a very conscious role. - - -
(4 The lesson I see we have learned from the economic struggle here, and the political Struggle that has developed in Britain, has been the nature of the state. It is the finest lesson. Lenin and Marx both pointed it out, and Mao Tse-tung and Kim Il Sung have pointed this out also in their writings, that the state is a major thing in all things in society. If we don't grasp the nature of the state we cannot wage a struggle • against it, because we don't know what we are dealing with. We are dealing with some mythical thing unless we see it in concrete circumstances. (...) It controls everything that we are concerned with. (...) So that, unless we grasp the nature of the state, we cannot move forward in a revolutionary movement. In the 50s and 60s the role (...) which was played here in the Western society was the Asian tradition coming through here. It was a tremendous thing, to see students all over this country grasping it (...) as a new-type philosophy, the new man they were after. Precisely the new man they were after, because they were talking about themselves. We are capable of changing life. We are capable of changing society. That came forward very much so in the 50s and 60s. [Internal disputes followed in China, Albania, etc. Maoists here had never really understood the nature of internal contradictions. - Economism - Counter-
(5 revolutionary role of reformists since 1920s: "They have no desire to change it and have no desire to see the working class change it."] So we must go back to ourselves. We must develop Juche independently. We must know that we form our own leadership, that we are capable of developing a party here in this country, a strong revolutionary working-class party which would unite all the basic factors within the United Kingdom, and it can be done. [Contradictions different in Ireland and Scotland - must be tackled differently - Marxism a methodology.] Another point (...) [is] the question of nationalism and socialism. Often, often people say, and particularly people here in Great Britain (...) England (...) speak about the nationalists or the republicans as very petty-bourgeois nationalists. We are dividing up the greater working-class element in Britain. Now that is absolute rubbish and it has been pointed out many, many years ago by all the most theoretical and outstanding Marxists we have ever had (...) that nationalism and internationalism are interdependent upon one another; that the national struggle is a component part of the class struggle in an oppressed country and must be considered as such. There can be no division between one and the other.
6 As Mao Tsetung pointed out, in a statement on patriotism and internationalism, he asked the question: can a patriot be an internationalist? And he answered the question himself (...): not only can he be, but he must be (...) one. But, he says, there are different forms of patriotism: there is a patriotism of Hitler, which is chauvinism. But it is patriotism nonetheless, which is instilled into the people. There is the patriotism which Thatcher instils into people here in England over the question of the Falklands war. That is again fascist patriotism. But there is a genuine patriotism of those who are oppressed and who know they are oppressed, and that is, in actual fact, socialist patriotism. It is a love for your motherland, love for the fatherland. It is love for the people in your own country who are oppressed, it is love of liberation, and that is the thing that must drive us forward in this world. [Criticism of Maoists in 60s for using Asian leadership terminology - cult of the individual - no leader is without imperfections. ] John Maclean stood for self-reliance. James Connolly stood for self-reliance. Both of them realised that in their own practical experience. James Connolly came to the understanding in
(7 Ireland, because of the nature of the state there and the brutal oppression of the British forces in Ireland, that there was only one way in which the people in Ireland could liberate themselves and that was by armed struggle, and he formed the Citizens Army. And that is a lesson which I think is going to be learnt not far away in this country at all; it will be learned. And the people will learn it, because there is no other method we can overcome it. The state is armed to the teeth and therefore, unless we are prepared to meet the state by arms for arms - as Mao Tsetung again pointed out that we are not advocates of war, we don't desire it; we are not pacifists either. But we don't advocate war, but none- theless, if we are going to be battered down, then we'll take up arms and use them. The political power grows out of the barrel of a gun, and that is the lesson that has got to go home to the people in this country, and it has got to go home very sharply. I think I will leave it at that, comrades, except to say that we in Scotland have a long long history of trying to apply the Juche, and in our own concrete circumstances of applying the question of independence and self-reliance.
(8 We have relied, to some degree, on external factors for theory and everything else, for to get grasp and understanding of things. But, as I say, what we have got to do in the process of our own practical experience is to build up our own theoreticians in this country, people who are capable of combining Marxism-Leninism and applying it to concrete conditions. And then, and only at that point, can we say we have our own great leaders in this country, our own dear leaders, and when we get to that position we will start to move, because then we will be independent, totally independent at that point. [Reply to SCRP from Bands Alliance. ] Thank you, comrades.
This is headed RC/ [Julian]. Unclear what relation it bears to the main text. The images are repeated several times, evidently by accident. Text discussing historical British imperialism, resistance in Ireland, and ongoing struggles for justice and freedom in the occupied six counties. References to figures Tone, Emmet, Connolly, and organizations TRA and INLA. Mentions international implications and hopes for future peace and justice struggles.
RC / [ Julian]. [ce. 250 words] for 800 bitter bloodstained years the men & women I have fought to gain justice & freedom in their homeland. • Throughout these long centuries Britain has enforced her imperialism upon it, and yet the people of our homeland have endured & resisted • the results of such policies. Today the fight is continuing from the struggle, which Tone, Emmet and Connolly fought & died for. the reason for I's mveet i henmity Biti's words forces
Is that there is no force Capable of enforcing slavery upon a people who are really resolved to be free & value freedom more • than life. Such people are the native population of the occupied 6 counties Who face today for realities of • Britain's occupation of Ireland. These people inspire other peoples. They would face similar repression, and their struggle is one, a struggle for freedom & soon, a struggle for justice & peace.