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Speech of Hugh Stephen to Communion on Disarmarat, 7th AAPSO Congress. It is a geat privilege to address this Commission on such an (1) ugent matter as world disarmament, and so as to save the precious time of delegates, I shall confine myself just to making one point. This is that the struggle for nuclear-weapon-free Zones and other zones of peace is an element of the struggle for world peace that greatly enhances the potential role of the peoples of Asia, Africa and Latin America in the world peace process. This fact was clearly demonstrated by the excellent and constructive contribution made by delegates. A true continuity to the historic recent Born International Meeting on Nuclear- Weapon-Free Zones. GDR Head of State Comrade Erich Honecker pointed out, commented, singled out two themes in the comments he made at the the Berlin meeting: 1) That peace must cease to be discussed in general terms, and immediate matter of practical importance must be undertaken. 2) That the days for focusing almost exclusively on Europe have been definitively superseded; all

Conference programme and location and other information for participants. List of expected participants, Song of Kim Il Sung, with music, etc. SEMINAR ON THE JUCHE IDEA Address all communications to: Mosquito Press (SJI) 27A, Old Gloucester St. London WC1N 3XX Participants Bulletin, No.4. March 18th 1985. 1. Place and time of Seminar. The Seminar will take place at: Swiss Cottage Library, (Meeting Room) Near Swiss Cottage Underground Station. (Map attached.) Registration will begin at 9.30 a.m. on the day of the Seminar, Saturday 23rd March. The Seminar will commence at 10 a.m. There will be a light buffet lunch at 1 to 2.15. The Seminar will end at about 6.30 p.m., and will be followed by the Reception. 2. Place and time of Reception. Following the conclusion of the Seminar, participants will be escorted to the place of the Reception, which is: Conway Hall (Small Hall) Red Lion Square. (Nearest underground: Holborn.) A buffet dinner will be available at the Reception, as well as refreshments. Participants are warmly encouraged to perform songs, read poems or in any other way contribute to the success of the Reception. 3. Participants expected. Over 40 participants have confirmed they are attending the Seminar, including representatives of the South West African People's Organisation, the Pan-Africanist Congress of Azania, the Black Consciousness Movement of Azania, the Indian Workers' Association, the Bangladesh Workers' Association, Tamil Eelam organisations, the General Union of Palestinian Students and other Palestinian individuals and organisa- tions, the All African People's Revolutionary Party, the Scottish Republican Socialist Party, the Welsh Republican Socialist Movement, the Korea Friendship Committee, and distinguished individuals including Comrades Gorkeh Nkrumah and Roddy Connolly, along with other Irish Republican, Asian, African and Scandinavian speakers.

We can only hope to carry our flag to victory by securing the aid of all those workers every- where who desire to see an effective force carrying the green flag of an Irish regiment whilst unconditionally under the red flag of the proletarian army. (July 4 1914) A free nation is one which possesses absolute control over all its own internal resources and powers, and which has no restriction upon its intercourse with all other nations similarly circumstanced except the restrictions placed upon it by nature. ... A free nation must have complete control over its own harbours, to open them or close them at will, to shut out any commodity, or allow it to enter in, just as it seemed best to suit the well-being of its own people, and in obedience to their wishes, and entirely free of the inter- ference of any other nation. (Feb 12 1916) 48

world over that advocate Chajusong must struggle jointly, in close unity under the revolutionary banner of anti-imperialism and independence. This is the only way to abolish the imperialist world order which is based on unequality and full of contradictions, and to set up a new international relationship based on Chajusong and equality amongst countries and nations. (OJI 23) The communist movement is an independent move- ment of the party and people in every country aimed at doing away with all types of subjugation and inequality and becoming the true masters of their destiny. So there should be neither superior-subordinate relations nor master-servant relations in this movement. Chajusong is the life and soul for every country and people, and no relations of domination and submission, order and obedience could be permitted between them. The Juche idea defined Chajusong as the fundamental principle of the relations between parties and between countries, and thus helped towards a change in the international communist movement and the development of international relations. (OJI 81) James Connolly: Under a socialist system every nation will be the supreme arbiter of its own destinies, national and international; will be forced into no alliance against its will, but will have its independence guaranteed and its freedom respected by the enlightened self-interest of the social democracy of the world. (1898) The internationalism of the future will be based upon the free federation of free peoples, and cannot be realised through the subjugation of the smaller by the larger political unit. (June 10 1911) 47

arms for a real republican liberty. We bespeak for the Provisional Committee the support of all ready to face whatever that fight may entail, in the determination that we shall show the world that, though Redmond may sell Ireland he cannot deliver the goods! (Oct 3 1914) INTERNATIONALISM Kim Jong Il: Chajusong of a party and a state is expressed, after all, in foreign relations. To exercise com- plete sovereignty and equality in foreign rela- tions is fundamental in ensuring political Chaju- song. Sovereignty is an inviolable right of all parties, all countries, and all peoples. There are big and small parties, big and small coun- tries, and economically developed and underdevel- oped peoples in the world, but all parties, all countries and peoples are equal and independent. No one should encroach upon the sovereignty of others and no one should tolerate encroachment on one's sovereignty. Chajusong is not in conflict with internation- alism but is the basis of its strengthening. Just as the world revolution is inconceivable without the revolution in one's own country, internation- alism divorced from Chajusong cannot exist. As a matter of principle, internationalist solidarity must be based on freedom of choice and equality. Only when it is founded on Chajusong will inter- nationalist solidarity become based on free choice and equality and become genuine and durable. (OJI 43-44) 46 All countries, all nations, and peoples the

of socialists allowing themselves to be used in the slaughter of their brothers in the cause. A great continental uprising of the working class would stop the war; a universal protest at public meetings will not save a single life from being wantonly slaughtered. (Aug 15 1914) If ever you shoulder a rifle, let it be for Ireland. ... You have been told you are not strong, that you have no rifles. Revolutions do not start with rifles; start first and get your rifles after. Our curse is our belief in our weakness. We are not weak, we are strong. Make up your mind to strike before your opportunity goes. (Sept 5 1914) The independent elements are everywhere as- serting themselves, and there has already devel- oped a fierce fight to prevent the Irish Volun- teers being -- as Mr Redmond intended -- handed over to the War Office. Up to the time of writing, the Provisional Committee of the Irish Volunteers has stood firm. They have refused the offer of the War Office to supply officers to the Irish Volunteers, and insisted upon being officered by men of their own choosing under their own control, and they have stated that they prefer to buy and own their own arms rather than get them from Lord Kitchener and know that they are subject to his recall. ... It is feared that ... the British Government would commandeer the foodstuffs of Ireland. ... It is determined on all hands that should this be done resistance will be offered, and the export of this food fought against even to the extent of armed resistance. (Sept 5 1914) For some of us the finish may be on the scaf- fold, for some in the prison cell, for others more fortunate upon the battlefields of an Ireland in 45

cades all over Europe, to break up bridges and destroy the transport service that war might be abolished, we should be perfectly justified in following such a glorious example and contributing our aid to the final dethronement of the vulture classes that rule and rob the world. ... We must consider at once whether it will not be our duty to refuse to allow agricultural produce to leave Ireland until provision is made for the Irish working class. Let us not shrink from the consequences. This may mean more than a transport strike, it may mean armed battling in the streets to keep in this country the food for our people. But what- ever it may mean it must not be shrunk from. It is the immediately feasible policy of the working- class democracy, the answer to all the weaklings who in this crisis of our country's history stand helpless and bewildered crying for guidance, when they are not hastening to betray her. Starting thus, Ireland may yet set the torch to a European conflagration that will not burn out until the last throne and the last capitalist bond and debenture will be shrivelled on the funeral pyre of the last war lord. (Aug 8 1914) Believing as I do that any action would be justified which would put a stop to this colossal crime now being perpetrated, I feel compelled to express the hope that ere long we may read of the paralysing of the internal transport service on the continent, even should the act of paralysing necessitate the erection of socialist barricades and acts of rioting by socialist soldiers and sailors, as happened in Russia in 1905. Even an unsuccessful attempt at social revolution by force of arms, following the paralysis of the economic life of militarism, would be less disastrous to the socialist cause than the fact 44

ate in. Not a mere passive defence of a position valueless in itself, but the active defence of a position whose location threatens the supremacy or existence of the enemy. The genius of the commander must find such a position, the skill of his subordinates must prepare and fortify it, the courage of all must defend it. Out of this com- bination of genius, skill and courage alone can grow the flower of military success. (July 24 1915) COUNTER THE IMPERIALIST WAR OF AGGRESSION WITH THE WAR OF LIBERATION Kim Jong Il: As the leader said, we do not want war, nor are we afraid of it, nor do we beg peace from the imperialists. The best way to preserve national independence and peace and win the revolutionary cause is to counter the imperialist war of agg- ression with the war of liberation, answer the counter-revolutionary violence of reaction with revolutionary violence, and always meet the imperialist moves of aggression and war in full preparedness. (OJI 50) James Connolly: The signal of war ought also to have been the signal for rebellion. ... When the bugles sounded the first note for actual war, their notes should have been taken as the tocsin for social revo- lution. (March 1915) Should the working class of Europe, rather than slaughter each other for the benefit of kings and financiers, proceed tomorrow to erect barri- 43