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This movement is a struggle to realise the Chajusong of the popular masses in each country, and it is the communists and the people of the country themselves who are the performers, the masters of this struggle. Founding a working-class party in each country, too, is a task which the communists of the country should necessarily carry out by their efforts as the masters. WPK 4) Only when one knows the things of one's country well, will one be able to solve all problems arising in the revolution and construction in an independent manner and to suit one's specific situation and carry out the revolution and construction in conformity with the aspirations and requirements of one's people. Only then will one be able also to love one's country and people ardently and demonstrate a high degree of patriotic devotion and revolutionary enthusiasm. (OJI 38) A socialist movement must rest upon and draw its inspiration from the historical and actual conditions of the country in which it functions and not merely lose themselves in an abstract 'internationalism' (which has no relation to the real internationalism of the socialist movement) on the other. (Jan 23 1909) Socialism in its application to Ireland means and requires the fullest trust of the Irish people as the arbiters of their own destinies in conformity with the laws of progress and humanity. (Jan 23 1909) That labour movement of the future, as well as the socialist movement of today, must indeed draw inspiration from the successes of our comrades abroad, but must also shape its course to suit the conditions within our own shores. The Socialist Party of Ireland recognises and most enthusiastically endorses the principle of internationalism, but it realises that that principle must be sought through the medium of universal brotherhood rather than by self-extinction of distinct nations within the political maw of over-grown Empires. (March 11 1911) The freedom of a people must in the last analysis rest in the hands of that people. (July 1915) Say, ye British socialists, have your leaders any conception of this problem, or do they imagine that an Irish branch of a British socialist organisation can grapple with this problem, or do anything with it save make a mess of it? Or that it can be grappled with in any manner save from within the Irish nation by the workers of Ireland uniting in a party of their own to throw off the incubus of social slavery and religious intolerance? (March 18 1911) The ILP in Belfast believes that the socialist movement in Ireland must perforce remain a dues-paying, organic part of the British socialist movement. ... The Socialist Party of Ireland considers itself the only international party in Ireland, since its conception of internationalism is that of a free federation of free peoples, whereas that of the Belfast branches of the ILP seems scarcely distinguishable from imperialism, the merging of subjugated peoples in the political system of their conquerors. ... This is a unique conception of internationalism, unique and peculiar to Belfast. There is no 'most favoured nation clause' in socialist diplomacy, and we, as socialists in Ireland, can not afford to establish such a precendent. (May 27 1911) I have written in vain if I have not helped the reader to realise that the historical backgrounds of the movement in England and Ireland are so essentially different that the Irish socialist movement can only be truly served by a party indigenous to the soil, and explained by a literature having the same source; that the phrases and watchwords which might serve to express the soul of the movement in one country may possibly stifle its soul and suffocate its expression in the other. (Aug 2 1913) 10

On these lines of argument I have fought for the establishment of a Labour Party in Ireland, for the separate political organisation of the Irish workers and for the separate economic and industrial organisation of the Irish workers on a more revolutionary basis than was usual in England and Scotland. ... In doing this, in carrying on such a propaganda, I have been continually subject to misrepresentation and even abuse. I have been told that I was no internationalist, that I was preaching hatred of England, that I was a disruptor. In vain for me to insist that the usual mistake of the Englishman, viz., that he understood Irish problems better than the Irish did themselves, applied quite as strongly to British socialists as to the British ruling class, and that therefore the Irish socialists should work out their own policy and create their own literature, and that we must expect to be misunderstood until we could compel recognition by our own strength. (April 18 1914) REVOLUTIONARY WARFARE Such armed forces must embrace the sons and daughters of the working people. An army whose men and commanding officers come from among the workers, peasants and other working people, can guarantee unity between the army and the people, and between superiors and subordinates, and become a truly self- reliant people's army which safeguards national independence and revolutionary achievements and serves the people. (OJI 51) The decisive factor for victory in war does not consist in weapons or techniques, but in the high political enthusiasm and revolutionary devotion of the army and popular masses who are conscious of the justice of their cause. A noble revolutionary spirit to fight for the freedom and liberation of the people, boundless loyalty to the party and the leader, a peerless self-sacrificing spirit and mass heroism which are expressed in willingly giving up one's youth and life for the sake of the country and revolution, revolutionary comradeship between men and officers, their inseparable links with the people, and voluntary military discipline - these are politico- ideological superiority peculiar to a people's army, a revolutionary army. As the history of revolutionary wars shows, a revolutionary army which is in firm politico-ideological readiness, though armed with inferior weapons, can fight and defeat an enemy equipped with the latest arms. Indeed, politico-ideological superiority is the essential merit of revolutionary armed forces and the source of their invincibility. It is imperative, therefore, to knit the army closely from a politico- ideological point of view and steadily raise its politico-ideological level and ensure that imperialist armies of aggression are defeated by the strength of the politico-ideological superiority of the revolutionary people's armed forces. (OJI 52-53) It means a complete overhauling and remodelling of all the training and instruction hitherto given to those corps. It means that the corps shall be taught how to act and fight when acting against an enemy equipped with superior weapons, instead of all teaching being based upon the ideas of British military text books which always presume an equality of weapons, or even a superiority upon the British side. It means that much that has been taught will be worse than useless if acted upon, as such teaching presupposed that the corps receiving instructions were to form part of a regular army in the field, an army properly supported and reinforced by complete arms of the service. The resistance to the Militia Ballot Act must of necessity take the form of insurrectionary warfare, if the resisters are determined to fight in Ireland for Ireland, instead of on the Continent for England. Such insurrectionary warfare would be conducted upon lines and under conditions for which text books made no provision. In short, it means barricades in the streets, guerrilla warfare in the country. 11

To all who are prepared to face that ordeal rather thonshed their blood for the tyrant and exploiter we appeal to join our Citizen Army. We propose to make that force the best equipped mentally in Ireland. We want no parade ground soldiers. We want young men prepared to die for Freedom in Ireland. (Oct 24 1914) (The Moscow insurrection of 1905) succeeded in establishing the fact that even under modern conditions the professional soldier is, in a city, badly handicapped in a fight against really determined civilian revolutionists. (May 29 1915) (Insurrection in the Tyrol:) Being compelled to come close in before opening fire the regular soldiery lost their chief advantage over the insurgents and were deprived of the advantages conferred by discipline and efficient control by skilled officers. (June 5 1915) The defence of the Alamo was one of those defeats which are often more valuable to a cause than many loudly trumpeted victories. It gave spirit and bitterness to the Texan forces, and more important still gave time to their comrades elsewhere. Fortunately for their cause also they had in Houston a general who recognised that the act of keeping an insurgent force in the field was in itself so valuable an establishment of the revolutionary position that it gave all the functions and prestige of government. Hence he kept his force in the field without fighting as long as possible, despite the murmurs of his men, and only hazarded an engagement when he considered that his army was made. (June 19 1915) In the military sense of the term what after all is a street? A street is a defile in a city. A defile is a narrow pass through which troops can only move by narrowing their front, and therefore making themselves a good target for the enemy. A defile is also a difficult place for soldiers to manoeuvre in, especially if the flanks of the defile are held by the enemy. A mountain pass is a defile the sides of which are constituted by the natural slopes of the mountain sides, as at the Scalp. A bridge over a river is a defile the sides of which are constituted by the river. A street is a defile the sides of which are constituted by the houses in the street. ... The fortifying of a strong building, as a pivot upon which the defence of a town or village should hinge, forms a principal object of the preparations of any defending force, whether regular army or insurrectionary. ... A mountainous country has always been held to be difficult for military operations owing to its passes or glens. A city is a huge maze of passes or glens formed by streets and lanes. Every difficulty that exists for the operation of regular troops in mountains is multiplied a hundredfold in a city. And the difficulty of the commissariat which is likely to be insuperable to an irregular or popular force taking to the mountains, is solved for them by the sympathies of the populace when they take to the streets. The general principle to be deducted from a study of the example we have been dealing with, is that the defence is of almost overwhelming importance in such warfare as a popular force like the Citizen Army might be called upon to participate in. Not a mere passive defence of a position valueless in itself, but the active defence of a position whose location threatens the supremacy or existence of the enemy. The genius of the commander must find such a position, the skill of his subordinates must prepare and fortify it, the courage of all must defend it. Out of this combination of genius, skill and courage alone can grow the flower of military success. (July 24 1715) COUNTER THE IMPERIALIST WAR OF AGGRESSION WITH THE WAR OF LIBERATION As the leader said, we do not want war, nor are we afraid of it, nor do we beg peace from the imperialists. The best way to preserve national independence and peace and win the revolutionary cause is to counter the imperialist war of aggression with the war of liberation, answer the counter- 12

revolutionary violence of reaction with revolutionary violence, and always meet the imperialist moves of aggression and war in full preparedness. (OJI 50) The signal of war ought also to have been the signal for rebellion. ... When the bugles sounded the first note for actual war, their notes should have been taken as the tocsin for social revolution. (March 1915) Should the working class of Europe, rather than slaughter each other for the benefit of kings and financiers, proceed tomorrow to erect barricades all over Europe, to break up bridges and destroy the transport service that war might be abolished, we should be perfectly justified in following such a glorious example and contributing our aid to the final dethronement of the vulture classes that rule and rob the world. ... We must consider at once whether it will not be our duty to refuse to allow agricultural produce to leave Ireland until provision is made for the Irish working class. Let us not shrink from the consequences. This may mean more than a transport strike, it may mean armed battling in the streets to keep in this country the food for our people. But whatever it may mean it must not be shrunk from. It is the immediately feasible policy of the working-class democracy, the answer to all the weaklings who in this crisis of our country's history stand helpless and bewildered crying for guidance, when they are not hastening to betray her. Starting thus, Ireland may yet set the torch to a European conflagration that will not burn out until the last throne and the last capitalist bond and debenture will be shrivelled on the funeral pyre of the last war lord. (Aug 8 1914) Believing as I do that any action would be justified which would put a stop to this colossal crime now being perpetrated, I feel compelled to express the hope that ere long we may read of the paralysing of the internal transport service on the continent, even should the act of paralysing necessitate the erection of socialist barricades and acts of rioting by socialist soldiers and sailors, as happened in Russia in 1905. Even an unsuccessful attempt at social revolution by force of arms, following the paralysis of the economic life of militarism, would be less disastrous to the socialist cause than the fact of socialists allowing themselves to be used in the slaughter of their brothers in the cause. A great continental uprising of the working class would stop the war; a universal protest at public meetings will not save a single life from being wantonly slaughtered. (Aug 15 1914) If ever you shoulder a rifle, let it be for Ireland. ... You have been told you are not strong, that you have no rifles. Revolutions do not start with rifles; start first and get your rifles after. Our curse is our belief in our weakness. We are not weak, we are strong. Make up your mind to strike before your opportunity goes. (Sept 5 1914) The independent elements are everywhere asserting themselves, and there has already developed a fierce fight to prevent the Irish Volunteers being — as Mr. Redmond intended — handed over to the War Office. Up to the time of writing, the Provisional Committee of the Irish Volunteers has stood firm. They have refused the offer of the War Office to supply officers to the Irish Volunteers, and insisted upon being officered by men of their own choosing under their own control, and they have stated that they prefer to buy and own their own arms rather than get them from Lord Kitchener and know that they are subject to his recall. ... It is feared that ... the British Government would commandeer the foodstuffs of Ireland... It is determined on all hands that should this be done resistance will be offered, and the export of this food fought against even to the extent of armed resistance. (Sept 5 1914) 13

For some of us the finish may be on the scaffold, for some in the prison cell, for others more fortunate upon the battlefields of an Ireland in arms for a real republican liberty. We bespeak for the Provisional Committee the support of all ready to face whatever that fight may entail, in the determination that we shall show the world that, though Redmond may sell Ireland he cannot deliver the goods! (Oct 3 1914) INTERNATIONALISM Chajusong of a party and a state is expressed, after all, in foreign relations. To exercise complete sovereignty and equality in foreign relations is fundamental in ensuring political Chajusong. Sovereignty is an inviolable right of all parties, all countries, and all peoples. There are big and small parties, big and small countries, and economically developed and underdeveloped peoples in the world, but all parties, all countries and peoples are equal and independent. No one should encroach upon the sovereignty of others and no one should tolerate encroachment on one's sovereignty. Chajusong is not in conflict with internationalism but is the basis of its strengthening. Just as the world revolution is inconceivable without the revolution in one's own country, internationalism divorced from Chajusong cannot exist. As a matter of principle, internationalist solidarity must be based on freedom of choice and equality. Only when it is founded on Chajusong will internationalist solidarity become based on free choice and equality and become genuine and durable. (OJI 43-44) All countries, all nations, and peoples the world over that advocate Chajusong must struggle jointly, in close unity under the revolutionary banner of anti-imperialism and independence. This is the only way to abolish the imperialist world order which is based on unequality and full of contraditions, and to set up a new international relationship based on Chajusong and equality amongst countries and nations. (OJI 23) The communist movement is an independent movement of the party and people in every country aimed at doing away with all types of subjugation and inequality and becoming the true masters of their destiny. So there should be neither superior-subordinate relations nor master-servant relations in this movement. Chajusong is the life and soul for every country and people, and no relations of domination and submission, order and obedience could be permitted between them. The Juche idea defined Chajusong as the fundamental principle of the relations between parties and between countries, and thus helped towards a change in the international communist movement and the development of international relations. (OJI 81) Under a socialist system every nation will be the supreme arbiter of its own destinies, national and international; will be forced into no alliance against its will, but will have its independence guaranteed and its freedom respected by the enlightened self-interest of the social democracy of the world. (1898) The internationalism of the future will be based upon the free federation of free peoples, and cannot be realised through the subjugation of the smaller by the larger political unit. (June 10 1911) We can only hope to carry our flag to victory by securing the aid of all those workers everywhere who desire to see an effective force carrying the green flag of an Irish regiment whilst unconditionally under the red flag of the proletarian army. (July 4 1914) A free nation is one which possesses absolute control over all its own internal resources and powers, and which has no restriction upon its intercourse with all other nations similarly circumstanced except the restrictions placed 14

upon it by nature. ... A free nation must have complete control over its own harbours, to open them or close them at will, to shut out any commodity, or allow it to enter in, just as it seemed best to suit the well-being of its own people, and in obedience to their wishes, and entirely free of the interference of any other nation. (Feb 12 1916) References WORKS OF KIM JONG IL ON THE JUCHE IDEA. Treatise Sent to the National Seminar on the Juche Idea Held to Mark the 70th Birthday of the Great Leader Comrade Kim Il Sung. March 31 1982.(0. THE WORKERS' PARTY OF KOREA IS A JUCHE-TYPE REVOLUTIONARY PARTY WHICH INHERITED THE GLORIOUS TRADITION OF THE DIU. October 17 1982. (WPK) LET US ADVANCE UNDER THE BANNER OF MARXISM-LENINISM AND THE JUCHE IDEA. On the Occasion of the 165th Birthday of Karl Marx and the Centenary of His Death. May 3 1983. ON SOME QUESTIONS IN UNDERSTANDING THE JUCHE PHILOSOPHY. Talk to Theoretical Propagandists of the Party. April 2 1974. ON CORRECTLY UNDERSTANDING THE ORIGINALITY OF KIMILSUNGISM. Talk to Theoretical Propagandists of the Party. October 2 1976. ON FURTHER DEVELOPING EDUCATIONAL WORK. Letter to the National Meeting of Educational Activists. July 22 1984. WORKS OF JAMES CONNOLLY All items are identified by date only: Aug 1910: Labour, Nationality and Religion. Nov 1910: Labour in Irish History. Dec 1915: The Reconquest of Ireland. Aug 1903: Letter to William O'Brien, quoted in Levenson biography, p.103. April 23 1916 and May 1916: Text as in "We shall rise again" by Nora Connolly O'Brien. All other quotations are from articles in the'mosquito press' of the time, including Connolly's Workers' Republic (Dublin) and The Harp (Dublin and New York), Larkin's Irish Worker (Dublin), and Forward (Glasgow). 15

SEMINAR ON THE JUCHE IDEA Participants' Bulletin No.3. Circular from the organising committee. UPHOLD THE VANGUARD ROLE OF THE MOST OPPRESSED ! UPHOLD BLACK POWER ! Selections from works of Korean, African and Afro-American revolutionary leaders. Address all communications to: Mosquito Press (SJI) 27A, Old Gloucester St. London WC1N 3XX March 12th 1985. "Forced to leave their beloved homesteads ..." The concept of Black Power. Black peoples' struggles in the oppressor countries. Man is a being with Chajusong. The masses are the masters of revolution. National independence. The leading role of the most oppressed. Waiting with folded arms for all conditions to ripen is tantamount to refusing to make a revolution. Revolutionary warfare. Internationalism.

Circular from the Organising Committee. 1. We are extremely grateful to those participants who have already begun to discuss with us their Seminar papers or messages; some have already sent in draft texts. Many thanks to these participants. Those who prefer just to listen are welcome, but we strongly encourage all participants to prepare at least a brief contribution. We hope that our selected quotations from Korea's leaders and from James Connolly and Black Power spokesmen will provide useful material for participants preparing such contributions. 2. Those who are unable to attend the Seminar but who have expressed interest and are still on the mailing list are requested to send written messages or Seminar papers all the same, for publication in the proceedings. 3. The ideal length is around 500 words, but if participants have much shorter or longer contributions, do send/deliver them anyway. 4. We hope that all participants can have at least one discussion with us prior to the Seminar, to discuss their paper, either through visiting one of us or, for non-London participants, on the phone or by letter. 5. Should any participant have to cancel their attendance, do in any case still conduct such a discussion with us, and send us a text of a message for publication in the proceedings. 6. Would participants please give some thought to the question of publishing the proceedings, and let us know whether they want to be listed by name, or organisa- tion, or both, or anonymously. 7. We now have quite a list of participants coming from outside London. Could these participants please all notify us as quickly as possible whether or not they want us to arrange accommodation for them. 8. Could participants living in London please let us know if they can put up participants from outside London? We apologise for making such a request through the impersonal medium of this circular, but hope participants will understand the difficulty of our approaching all individuals separately on this question. 9. We enclose address labels for your convenience, and appeal to all participants to keep closely in touch with us during the coming days. ) 0 ( 0 ) 0 ( In this bulletin we include some materials relating to the ideological affinity of the Juche Idea to the principles of Black Power. Participants will note that this selection is less comprehensive than the selection from James Connolly and the dear leader, but we hope it will provide some useful material for study and/or drafting messages or Seminar papers. March 11th 1985.

UPHOLD THE VANGUARD ROLE OF THE MOST OPPRESSED! UPHOLD BLACK POWER ! Selections from works of Korean, African and Afro-American revolutionary leaders. "FORCED TO LEAVE THEIR BELOVED HOMESTEADS..." Under the colonial oppression of Japanese imperialism, our compatriots lead the miserable life of a ruined nation, worse than that of animals, undergoing all manner of hardships and privations, and dripping with sweat and blood. No longer able to endure the Japanese imperialist tyranny, large numbers of our fellow countrymen were compelled to leave their beloved home villages and wan- der about in quest of a livelihood. Even in strange lands, all alone, they are subjected to every form of humiliation and contempt and are being trampled underfoot and slaughtered everywhere they go. (Kim Il Sung) The Japanese imperialists doubly exploited the Korean workers by enforcing extreme national discrimination. The Korean workers were insulted and humili- ated as an 'inferior nation' and were paid far less than the Japanese workers doing the same work. (Kim Il Sung) In the past, as a result of the occupation of Korea by the Japanese imperi- alists, large numbers of our fellowcountrymen left their homeland and wandered abroad. As a people without a country, they were subjected to chauvinistic discrimination and all sorts of humiliations, were deprived of all their rights and suffered from extreme hardships in strange lands for a long time. ... Our 600,000 Korean compatriots in Japan ... are now fighting bravely for their democratic, national rights against the unwarranted, chauvinistic perse- cution and contempt to which they are subjected by the Japanese authorities and they are keeping up a staunch struggle for the reunification of their country and the prosperity of the nation. (Kim Il Sung) It is essential for the Korean citizens in Japan to defend their national rights. It is natural that any nation should defend their own rights, and this does not run counter to international law. ... So it is no less natural for the Korean citizens in Japan to be defending their national rights. (Kim Il Sung) As regards our overseas brothers, they are Koreans who come from the same stock as us and who originally lived in the same territory, speaking the same language. They were forced to leave their beloved homesteads; either they had to go abroad to find a means of living, unable to endure Japanese imperialist colonial rule and harsh exploitation and oppression by landlords and capital- ists, or they were dragged to foreign countries as compulsorily drafted labour, or as conscripts. So how can one say that they are not of the Korean nation? It goes without saying that they legitimately belong to the Korean nation. (Kim Jong Il) Are we struggling to bring about a free and socialist Britain - of course we are, there's no question here. But is it our primary struggle? No sir. As the conscious Irishman, born in London, understands his primary struggle is the liberation and unification of Ireland, so too, you who are born in Britain must understand our primary struggle is the total liberation and unification of Africa. (Kwame Ture, 1983) The African population within current U.S. borders receives its international character from two important, related, factors: the first of these is the fact that it receives its historical identity not from the U.S. into which it has never sought nor achieved integration, but from its relationship to Africa and the millions of African people dispersed throughout the world who, because of

colonialism and slavery, have not achieved our historical mission of national consolidation nor liberation in modern history, and whose separate struggles throughout the world are objective inclinations in that direction. (African Peoples Socialist Party) The multinational character of the proletarian population of the British state is a tremendously positive factor for the development of future revolutio- nary work, offering the injection into the struggle here of the experience and example of living revolutionary traditions. There are many thousands of people from the oppressed nations here who know what imperialism is and have experience of fighting it, including many a veteran of armed struggle. In contrast to the slavish adherence to British imperialism by the official labour movement, the importance cannot be overstated of there being a body of people who reject the British state, do not recognise its legitimacy and place their loyalties else- where ... (Keith Anderson, There is a Way Forward - let us take it) THE CONCEPT OF BLACK POWER Only when one knows the things of one's country well will one be able to solve all problems arising in the revolution and construction in an independent manner and to suit one's specific situation and carry out the revolution and construction in conformity with the aspirations and requirements of one's people. Only then will one be able also to love one's country and people ardently and demonstrate a high degree of patriotic devotion and revolutionary enthusiasm. ... D Without the sense of national pride that one's nation is inferior to none, without the pride and honour of the revolutionary people, it would be imposs- ible to live up to one's conviction in an independent manner, uphold national independence and dignity and emerge victorious in the difficult revolutionary struggle. A nation with a strong sense of national dignity and revolutionary pride is unconquerable, but a nation without this attribute is powerless. The peoples of small countries who have long suffered oppression by foreign forces need so much the more the sense of national dignity and revolutionary pride. In the small countries where nihilism and flunkeyism towards big powers are nationally deep-rooted as a result of the imperialist policy of assimilating colonies and obliterating their national culture, they must give special attention to the struggle to increase the sense of national dignity and revo- lutionary pride. (OJI 38-39) Black Power is part of the world rebellion of the oppressed against the oppressor, of the exploited against the exploiter ... It is linked with the Pan-African struggle for unity on the African continent, and with all those who strive to establish a socialist society. ... Black Power gives the African-American an entirely new dimension. It is a vanguard movement of black people, but it opens the way for all oppressed masses. (Kwame Nkrumah) Black Power expressed the growing consciousness of the Afro-American masses that they are an oppressed nation whose road to freedom and equality lies through taking political power into their own hands. (Harry Haywood, Black Bolshevik) Thus the West Indian, after 1945, changed his values. Whereas before 1939 he had his eyes riveted on white Europe, whereas what seemed good to him was escape from his colour, in 1945 he discovered himself to be not only black but a Negro, and it was in the direction of distant Africa that he was henceforth to put out his feelers. (Frantz Fanon, Towards the African Revolution) 2