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but dreamed of achieving independence by depending on foreign forces. At that time, those who were allegedly engaged in the communist movement formed their own party groups and called frequently at the Comintern to gain its recognition. And they endeavoured to imitate mechanically established theories and experience of others, without taking into consideration the historical conditions and specific realities in our country where a colonial and semi-feudal society was in existence. In this way, flunkeyism and dogmatism were very ser- ious obstacles in the way of revolution. (OJI 6) Party organisations should fully acquaint all cadres and their members with our Party's exper- ience of the anti-factional struggle. This will enable them always to have a sharp Party and class outlook and uncompromisingly combat against all unsound elements which undermine the Party's unity and cohesion. (OJI 36) Flunkeyism is an attitude peculiar to slaves serving and worshipping big powers and developed countries, and an attitude of nihilism which means looking down upon one's own country and nation and despising them. ... As the leader said, if a person falls into flunkeyism, he would become a fool; if a nation is servile to big powers, the country would go to ruin; and if a party is subservient to big powers, it would make a mess of the revolution and construction. (OJI 40) James Connolly: He has set Irishman against Irishman, brothers against brothers, has broken up family ties and the ties of community, and been the ready agent of every evil thing that sought to darken the national soul and sully the character of the race. 32

And so we Irish workers must go down into Hell, bow our backs to the lash of the slave driver, let our hearts be seared by the iron of his hatred, and instead of the sacramental wafer of brotherhood and common sacrifice, eat the dust of defeat and betrayal. (Feb 9 1914) My career has been unique in many things. In this last it is so also: Men have been driven out of Ireland by the British Government, and by the landlords, but I am the first driven forth by the 'socialists'. (Aug 1903) My socialist friends on the Continent will never understand why I am here. They will forget I am an Irishman. (May 1916) WAITING WITH FOLDED ARMS FOR ALL CONDITIONS TO RIPEN IS TANTAMOUNT TO REFUSING TO MAKE A REVOLUTION Kim Jong Il: The revolution can be pushed forward only by the active struggle of the revolutionaries and the popular masses. Fundamentally speaking, a revo- lution does not always break out when all the necessary conditions exist, nor is it carried out always in favourable circumstances. Waiting with folded arms for all conditions to ripen is tantamount to refusing to make a revo- lution. (OJI 34) James Connolly: ___ One hundred and nineteen years ago the freedom of Ireland lay in the power of one man to grasp, had he but had the decision of character necessary 34

to cause him to act. ... One hundred and nineteen years ago. And again Ireland looks across the sea, and perhaps those across the sea look over to Ireland, and wonder... Christmas week, 1796; Christmas week, 1915 -- still hesitating. (Dec 25 1915) The United Irishmen waited too long, the Young Irelanders waited too long, the Fenians waited too long. This is the opinion of every student of history worthy of the name. But who dare censure these brave men and women? Assuredly not the men and women of our generation. To us also a great opportunity has come. Have we been wise? The future alone can tell. In these days of March let us remember that generations, like individuals, will find their ultimate justification or condemnation not in what they accomplished but rather in what they aspired and dared to attempt to accomplish. The genera- tion or the individual that is stricken down in the attempt to achieve a high and holy thing is itself therefore high and holy. By aspiring to reach a height the generation or the individual places its soul unassailably upon that height, even should its body be trampled in the mud at its base. Upon what height or in what sunless depth of corruption has this generation placed its soul? (March 11 1916) If we don't carry this off, Nora, the only thing left for us to do is to hide our heads in shame and pray to God to send an earthquake or a tidal wave and hide us under the waters. It would be such a disgrace to our generation. (Easter Sunday, April 23 1916) Don't be too disappointed, Nora. We shall rise again! (May 12 1916) 35

FOUNDING THE PARTY INDEPENDENTLY Kim Jong Il: The revolution in each country should be carried out responsibly by its own people, the masters, in an independent manner, and in a creative way suitable to its specific conditions. (OJI 6) The most important aspect of the policy of party founding advanced at this meeting was to establish a party independently. Holding fast to Chajusong is the intrinsic demand of the communist movement. This movement is a struggle to realise the Chajusong of the popular masses in each country, and it is the communists and the people of the country themselves who are the performers, the masters of this struggle. Founding a working-class party in each country, too, is a task which the communists of the country should necessarily carry out by their efforts as the masters. (WPK 4) Only when one knows the things of one's country well, will one be able to solve all problems arising in the revolution and construction in an independent manner and to suit one's specific situation and carry out the revolution and con- struction in conformity with the aspirations and requirements of one's people. Only then will one be able also to love one's country and people ardently and demonstrate a high degree of patri- otic devotion and revolutionary enthusiasm. (OJI 38) James Connolly: A socialist movement must rest upon and draw its inspiration from the historical and actual 36

must perforce remain a dues-paying, organic part of the British socialist movement. ... The Socialist Party of Ireland considers itself the only international party in Ireland, since its conception of internationalism is that of a free federation of free peoples, whereas that of the Belfast branches of the ILP seems scarcely distinguishable from imperialism, the merging of subjugated peoples in the political system of their conquerors. ... This is a unique conception of international- ism, unique and peculiar to Belfast. There is no 'most favoured nation clause' in socialist diplom- acy, and we, as socialists in Ireland, can not afford to establish such a precedent. (May 27 1911) I have written in vain if I have not helped the reader to realise that the historical backgrounds of the movement in England and Ireland are so essentially different that the Irish socialist movement can only be truly served by a party indigenous to the soil, and explained by a litera- ture having the same source; that the phrases and watchwords which might serve to express the soul of the movement in one country may possibly stifle its soul and suffocate its expression in the other. (Aug 2 1913) On these lines of argument I have fought for the establishment of a Labour Party in Ireland, for the separate political organisation of the Irish workers and for the separate economic and industrial organisation of the Irish workers on a more revolutionary basis than was usual in England and Scotland. ... In doing this, in carrying on such a propaganda, I have been contin- ually subject to misrepresentation and even abuse. I have been told that I was no internationalist, 38

that I was preaching hatred of England, that I was a disruptor. In vain for me to insist that the usual mistake of the Englishman, viz., that he understood Irish problems better than the Irish did themselves, applied quite as strongly to British socialists as to the British ruling class, and that therefore the Irish socialists should work out their own policy and create their own literature, and that we must expect to be misunderstood until we could compel recognition by our own strength. (April 18 1914) REVOLUTIONARY WARFARE Kim Jong Il: Such armed forces must embrace the sons and daughters of the working people. An army whose men and commanding officers come from among the workers, peasants and other working people, can guarantee unity between the army and the people, and between superiors and subordinates, and become a truly self-reliant people's army which safe- guards national independence and revolutionary achievements and serves the people. (OJI 51) The decisive factor for victory in war does not consist in weapons or techniques, but in the high political enthusiasm and revolutionary devotion of the army and popular masses who are conscious of the justice of their cause. A noble revolu- tionary spirit to fight for the freedom and liber- ation of the people, boundless loyalty to the party and the leader, a peerless self-sacrificing spirit and mass heroism which are expressed in willingly giving up one's youth and life for the sake of the country and revolution, revolutionary 39

comradeship between men and officers, their insep- arable links with the people, and voluntary military discipline -- these are politico-ideolog- ical superiority peculiar to a people's army, a revolutionary army. As the history of revolution- ary wars shows, a revolutionary army which is in firm politico-ideological readiness, though armed with inferior weapons, can fight and defeat an enemy equipped with the latest arms. Indeed, politico-ideological superiority is the essential merit of revolutionary armed forces and the source of their invincibility. It is imperative, therefore, to knit the army closely from a politico-ideological point of view and steadily raise its politico-ideological level and ensure that imperialist armies of aggression are defeated by the strength of the politico- ideological superiority of the revolutionary people's armed forces. (OJI 52-53) James Connolly: It means a complete overhauling and remodelling of all the training and instruction hitherto given to those corps. It means that the corps shall be taught how to act and fight when acting against an enemy equipped with superior weapons, instead of all teaching being based upon the ideas of British military text books which always presume an equality of weapons, or even a superiority upon the British side. It means that much that has been taught will be worse than useless if acted upon, as such teaching presupposed that the corps receiving instructions were to form part of a regular army in the field, an army properly sup- ported and reinforced by complete arms of the service. The resistance to the Militia Ballot Act must of necessity take the form of insurrect- ionary warfare, if the resisters are determined 40

to fight in Ireland for Ireland, instead of on the Continent for England. Such insurrectionary warfare would be conducted upon lines and under conditions for which text books made no provision. In short, it means barricades in the streets, guerrilla warfare in the country. To all who are prepared to face that ordeal rather than shed their blood for the tyrant and exploiter we appeal to join our Citizen Army. We propose to make that force the best equipped ment- ally in Ireland. We want no parade ground sold- iers. We want young men prepared to die for Freedom in Ireland. (Oct 24 1914) [The Moscow insurrection of 1905] succeeded in establishing the fact that even under modern conditions the professional soldier is, in a city, badly handicapped in a fight against really deter- mined civilian revolutionists. (May 29 1915) [Insurrection in the Tyrol in 1809:] Being compelled to come close in before opening fire the regular soldiery lost their chief advantage over the insurgents and were deprived of the ad- vantages conferred by discipline and efficient control by skilled officers. (June 5 1915) The defence of the Alamo was one of those defeats which are often more valuable to a cause than many loudly trumpeted victories. It gave spirit and bitterness to the Texan forces, and more important still gave time to their comrades elsewhere. Fortunately for their cause also they had in Houston a general who recognised that the act of keeping an insurgent force in the field was in itself so valuable an establishment of the revolutionary position that it gave all the functions and prestige of government. Hence he kept his force in the field without fighting as long as possible, despite the murmurs of his 41